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Aravani

Author: Sayan Dasgupta

Where there exists a property, inheritance of the same shall always be a pertinent question. An heir is a person who is entitled to receive intestate deceased’s property under the laws in intestacy. Succession can follow only after death of a person. There are two forms of succession – [i] testamentary succession (by will), and [ii] intestate succession (in absence of will). A will is a declaration or a legal instrument which governs the inheritance on occasion of death to the person the deceased desired. In lack of a testament, the devolution of property is governed by the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 for Hindus, Sharia law for Muslims and The Indian Successions Act, 1925 for persons outside the scope of the preceding laws. 

The inception of Hindu Succession Act, 1956, in the nascent independent India of 7 years was, and still is entrenched in cis-normativity. Its preamble observes that it governs and codifies succession of property of an intestate Hindu. Use of terms like “male” and “female” gives a nod to acknowledging genital and chromosomal composition and not self-determined gender identity. It wasn’t until recently that daughters were incorporated under Section 6 of the Act to be legal heirs along with sons of the deceased by way of Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005. 

The Sharia law can be harkened to the Holy Quran, Sunna, Ijma, and Qiyas. The Islamic jurisprudence provides an elaborate scheme of devolution of property amongst the successors, and other issues of maintenance. However, the grand narrative essentially reduces to antagonistic behaviour and indifference towards queer persons. Particular mandates forbid crossdressing and sodomy biting away from sexual and gender autonomy.   

Additionally, Part V of The Indian Successions Act, 1925 provides a consolidated guide to devolution of intestate succession. The legislation, even though secular, is not gender neutral. The legislation has explicit masculine notions by the way or pronoun “he”. It provides primacy to biological composition, and lineal parentage; something that is seldom seen in the trans community. 

None of the governing laws provide any template for property devolution in trans communities. It discounts the factum that, for centuries, trans, intersex and gender queer/non-binary persons have been disenfranchised and driven away by families. NHRC in a study, first of its kind detailed that only 2% of trans persons stay with their parents while the rest are deprived from participating in any form of economic activity or compelled to take low-income adverse jobs causing a societal gender discrimination merging into many domains of the State. 

The trans, intersex, and gender queer persons abandoned find home alternatively in a chosen ‘family’ and are initiated into the hijra or aravani community by the senior member/designated mother of the structure – the Guru. The Guru takes the responsibility of the structure and “chelas” and provides emotional support, financial clout and social standing. The Guru ties the house and provides parental guidance to the chelas. This adopted system has been nomenclatured as the Guru-chela pratha/parampara.

The proposition of devolution of property in such a customary practice was contemplated by a single judge bench of Himachal Pradesh High Court in the case of Sweety v. General Public. The appeal arose from a trial court judgement which held succession of intestate deceased trans person, Rajia alia Ratni Nani would be via Hindu Succession Act, 1956  on a prima facie assumption by the name that the deceased was a Hindu. Their Guru averred that she was the only successor of the property left behind since once initiated in the hijra community, the guru is the only person related to the chela, ergo the entitlement. The HC considered the issue of mode of succession of property of a kinnar in absence of a profession of religion. Sweety, the guru of the deceased led documentary evidence that she was the guru; such as, presence of guru’s name in the deceased’s ration card and bank account. The Court signified displeasure and reversed the judgement of the HC holding that succession would occur as per the customs of the guru-chela parampara and held Sweety to be the legal heir of the deceased. While the judgement was laudatory and took cognizance of the NALSA judgement, it had some serious shortcomings and major lacunae. 

The first issue is the lack of gender sensitivity in the judgement. One consistency that is noted throughout the judgement is use of the word “eunuch”. There is no reasoning as to why that terminology is used. A eunuch is a castrated male who have historically been a part of the hijra community amongst many others. There was no evidence led on behalf of the deceased and their guru that they were, in fact, castrated. This actively demonstrates the Court’s lack of clarity as to whether it was referring to the deceased’s gender identity or a biological condition, ergo making derogatory assumptions. What had been positively averred was that the deceased and their guru were intersex persons. The Court’s lack of acknowledging gender identities is emblematic of its gender insensitivity and the progress required to be made. 

The second issue is that the Court decided the succession of property of an intestate transgender in absence of religion. The glaring concerns the devolution in case of known religion. The Court in the matter had not indulged much into finding the religion of the deceased person. This necessity was further diluted by lack of any response to the notice. The principal argument made by the appellant was that once initiated into the kinner/hijra community, all ties to the external society is severed thereby waiving any religion. Furthermore, there was no evidence led to provide any sort of religious conversion or an initiation ritual. Therefore, it becomes unclear as to why the Court adopted the customary practices guru-chela parampara. Where arguments could be made in favour of such position to preserve indigenous practices of trans, intersex and gender queer practices, there is an obvious intersection with right to religion envisaged in the Constitution. 

 Adoption of one custom and renunciation of previous custom has not been considered as a question of law by the Courts of India. However, such an issue was considered by the Supreme Court of Nigeria in the case of Adeniyi Oluwo & Ors v. Olabowale Oluwo & Ors where the Court considered whether a person could renounce certain personal law and custom and adopt another and held:

“It follows therefore that by virtue of his change, his personal law changed to the Benin Customary Law; distribution of his estate on intestacy must necessarily be governed by Benin Customary Law. He married Benin women who had children for him; he carried on various business activities in and around Benin City. The change of his status endowed him with the rights and privileges of a Bini indigene and his change in status accords with Benin Customary Law”

This essentially meant that there can be a change of personal customary law by acculturation or assimilation. If the same standards are to be followed for devolution of property of intestate trans, intersex, and gender queer persons, the standard of evidence would be too high given the lack of resources, disenfranchisement and involuntary seclusion/ostracization. However, the burden would still need to be met as to renunciation of religion and ceremonious initiation into the community. Further, it must also be shown whether assimilation into the kinner/hijra community would automatically lead to loss of religion. Further, there are many literatures to support the claim of guru-chela relationship being exploitative, abusive and is contemplated as a form of bonded labour. Thusly, the customary practice isn’t a tenable for the long term. 

Need for Gender-Neutral Language in Property Law

Lockean conception of property provides that property is an extension of self. This ipso facto provides a rationale that gender is an important variable in property governance. The property law, as explored above is highly cis and heteronormative. It is submitted that most legislations are entrenched in colonial ideations or predate independence itself. This often has resulted in predominant usage of masculine pronouns and predisposition resulting in disenfranchisement of other gender identities. This usage of gendered generics is a categorical medium of casual sexism; as has been proven by several empirical researches

There have been several vedic references to the ‘third sex’ which includes a wide spectrum of genders and sexualities providing them with shelter, protection, amenities, provisions of sustenance and incorporation into the dharma. There is no reason that the present legislation must be read in a heteronormative lens excluding many. It was laudably noted by the Madras HC in Sushma v. Police Commissioner of Chennai that the LGBTQIA+ community spend majority of their lives adjusting to a social morality and “have to turn themselves inside out to suit our notions of social morality and tradition”. 

This judgment while allotting rights to the trans appellant missed an opportunity of answering issues of a broader ambit, i.e., what happens to the property of a transgender whose religion is known. It can be submitted that incorporation and merging of the trans and gender queer community in Hinduism is emblematic of the fact dharmic tradition and gender have always been intertwined. There are several temples with patron deities for the hijra communities and temples with trans priestesses

In Shivani Bhat v. State NCT of Delhi, the Delhi High Court declared that “Gender identity and sexual orientation are fundamental to the right of self-determination, dignity and freedom. These freedoms lie at the heart of personal autonomy and freedom of individuals.” It is time these words are effectuated into creating a safer and inclusive legislation and interpretation with a queer lens. 

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By Samiksha Jain

Despite being the world’s largest constitutional democracy, India continues to struggle with heteronormative constraints that undermine different sexualities. For many years, the LGBTQ community has been at odds. The government’s main slogan has been to secure this community through justice, equity, and harmony. Previously, the LGBTQ community was known to simply include the gay community, but it eventually expanded to encompass different sorts of homosexuals. Discrimination against this minority has grown frequent; they have been separated and estranged from society, and they have been denied the basic fundamental rights to which they are entitled as Indian citizens. The rights of this group have recently been recognized, and the judiciary has intervened to preserve them.

As of today, members of the community do not have any special legal rights. They are allowed by law to participate in consensual sexual activity because criminalizing it would be a violation of their fundamental rights. As a result, the scope of their rights has to be understood to be the same  Fundamental Rights that citizens in this country have. However, members of the community, still do not have access to all the civil rights that citizens of India enjoy. For example, they are unable to legally register their marriages, as their union is not recognized by Indian law.

The landmark judgment of Navtej Singh v. Union of India (AIR 2018 SC 4321) was a breakthrough for the members of this community. On September 6, 2018, a five-judge panel unanimously declared Section 377 of Indian Penal Code as unconstitutional. The existence of a law that criminalized consensual sexual intercourse between adults was held to be violative of Article 14, 15, 19, and 21 of the Indian Constitution and also the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Court went on to say that all community members are entitled to all of the Constitution’s guarantees, including equal citizenship and protection from discrimination.

Indian Constitution and LGBTQ+ Community

Justice — social, economic, and political equality of status – is enshrined in the Indian Constitution’s preamble. In essence, the Indian Constitution is sex-blind, which means that the underlying assumption of equality is based on a constitutional mandate that the gender of an individual is irrelevant unless where the Constitution demands special provisions for everyone.

  • Right to Equality

Within the territory of India, Article 14 of the Constitution guarantees everyone equal standing before the law and equal protection under the law. The term “any person” here refers to any human, with no discrimination based on caste, creed, religion, sex, or any other category. The interpretation of the word “person” was broadened in the case of National Legal Service Authority v. Union of India (AIR 2014 SC 1863), and it was held that Article 14 of the Indian Constitution does not limit the word “person” and its application solely to males and females. Hijras/transgender people who are neither male nor female fit within the definition of “person” and are thus entitled to legal protection in all spheres of State activity, including healthcare, education, employment as well as equal civil and citizenship rights, as enjoyed by any other citizen of this country. 

  • Equality of Opportunity and Right against all forms of Discrimination

Articles 15 and 16 prohibit discrimination against any citizen on a list of grounds, which includes the bottom of the word “sex.” In fact, both Articles prohibit all forms of gender bias and discrimination based on gender. Sex has two separate components: gender and biological characteristics. Gender qualities include one’s character, the underlying psychological or emotional sense of sexual identity and character, as well as biological aspects such as genitals, chromosomes, and secondary sexual features. As a result, the discrimination on the bottom of ‘sex’ under Articles 15 and 16, includes discrimination on the bottom of identity.

  • Right to Life and Personal Liberty

The right to life is one of the most basic fundamental rights, and no one, including the government, has the capacity to violate or revoke it. The right to select one’s own identity is one of the most important rights under this article to living with dignity, according to the case of I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (AIR 2007 SC 861). One of the most essential features of Article 21 of the Indian Constitution is the right to a dignified existence for transgender people. Non-recognition violates their right to dignity; hence they need full rights to specify and live their lives without fear.

  • Right against Exploitation

Various inhuman activities, such as human trafficking and beggary, have been designated as offences and are punishable under Article 23 of the Indian Constitution. The scope of Article 23 is extraordinarily broad because it encompasses any sort of prejudice that is prohibited. Transgender people are the worst victims of exploitation; because of their low socioeconomic standing, they engage in prostitution and other immoral acts, which society considers unacceptable. The goal of this article is to protect the independence of a person’s identity by prohibiting men from exploiting men.

Additionally, the Indian legal framework’s failure to recognize the “Third Gender” has resulted in systematic denial of equal protection under the law and pervasive socio-economic discrimination in society and in Indian workplaces. The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 was recently enacted by the Indian parliament in response to the NALSA judgment.

As defined in the Act, ‘transgender’ refers to and includes all individuals whose gender does not conform or match the gender assigned to them at birth, including trans-man and trans-woman (whether or not they have undergone sex reassignment surgery (‘SRS’) and individuals with socio-cultural identities such as ‘kinner’, ‘hijra’, ‘aravani’ and ‘jogta’. Below is the list of rights that this act guarantees. 

  • Prohibition against discrimination of transgender individuals: It prohibits discrimination against transgender individuals in the following areas: (i) education; (ii) employment; (iii) healthcare; (iv) access to, or enjoyment of, goods, facilities, or opportunities available to the general public; (v) right to movement; (vi) right to reside, rent, or otherwise occupy property; and (vii) opportunity to hold public or private official positions.
  • Certificate of identity for a transgender person: A transgender person can apply to the District Magistrate for a certificate of identity with the gender “transgender” written on it. Only if the person has surgery to change their gender, whether male or female, may they get an updated certificate.
  • Right of residence: Every transgender person has the right to live in his or her own home and be included in his or her family. If the transgender person’s immediate family is unable to care for them, a competent court may order that they be placed in a rehabilitation center.
  • Education: Without discrimination, educational institutions supported or recognized by the appropriate government must provide inclusive education, sports, and recreational facilities for transgender people.
  • Employment: In issues of employment, including recruiting and advancement, no government or commercial institution can discriminate against a transgender person. 
  • Health care: The government must take efforts to ensure that transgender people have access to health care, including specialized HIV surveillance centers and sex reassignment surgery. The government will revise medical curriculum to meet transgender people’s health concerns and provide comprehensive medical insurance plans for them.
  • Welfare measures by the government: It declares that the appropriate government will take steps to ensure transgender people’s full inclusion and engagement in society. It must also take steps to save and rehabilitate them, provide vocational training and self-employment, develop transgender-sensitive policies, and encourage their involvement in cultural events.
  • Offences and penalties: It recognize the following transgender-related offenses: (i) forced or bonded labor (excluding compulsory government service for public purposes), (ii) denial of access to public places, (iii) removal from the household and village, and (iv) physical, sexual, verbal, emotional, or economic abuse. The penalties for these offenses range from six months to two years in prison, as well as a fine.

Now, the significant question needs to be asked is: Is this law sufficient and fulfilling their purpose? The answer lies in the vehement unacceptance of this law by the members of LGBTQ+ community. When community members are dissatisfied with the laws that control them, good lawmaking and execution becomes difficult. This Act exemplifies the importance of consulting the citizens of the community for whom these laws are being enacted. A transgender person must file an application to the District Magistrate for a certificate of identity as a transgender person, according to this Act. This rule not only hinders self-determination, but it also ignores people who identify as non-binary or gender-neutral.

The country’s transgender population was dissatisfied with these parts of it at the time, claiming that they were discriminatory. They have waged a vigorous campaign against the Act. Again, ensuring that legislation are gender-neutral is one method to fix this. In the event when a specific segment of society, such as women, requires greater protection, new laws have been enacted to safeguard their interests. The LGBT community, too, needs to be uplifted. As a result, it is critical that new laws be enacted to protect their rights, and that they be consistent with current laws to avoid unintentional discrimination amongst communities or groups.

  • Samiksha Jain, a third-year student at Institute of Law Nirma University, Ahmedabad.
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Ashmi Sheth

At times we come across stories that fill us with feelings of #pride, in all its senses. The story of Dr. Narthaki Nataraj, who was disowned by her family at the age of 11 owing to her sexuality, reminds us of a rainbow that finds its way through the dark clouds. Being the first transgender dancer-artiste to have received the prestigious Padma Shri award in 2019, Dr. Narthaki Nataraj is to now become a member of the State Development Policy Council (SDPC) on the Tamil Nadu Government. As a member of the TN SDPC, she aims to focus on healthcare facilities and employment opportunities for trans women. She views offering job opportunities as not only making them financially stable and giving them dignity, but also as creating a more inclusive society. 

At the age of 12, Narthaki Nataraj along wither companion, Shakti Bhaskar, left home to pursue her passion for dance. She has dedicated 30 years of her life in service of Bharatnatyam, and specializes in the Tanjore style Nayaki Bhava tradition. Nataraj has performed at leading festivals across various countries in the world; USA, UK, Canada, Japan, Singapore Sri Lanka, and Switzerland to name a few. Currently, Narthaki Nataraj runs her institute, “Velliyambalam School of Dance,” where she trains many Indian and foreign students in the traditional art form as handed down to her by her guru. The Velliyambalam Trust also has branches in the US, UK, Norway and Canada, that have both local as well as Indian diaspora students. Even as she learnt dance, Nataraj completed her higher secondary from the money she earned from dance performances. In 2016, Nataraj received an honorary doctorate (Doctor of Letters) from Periyar Maniammai University. Having been denied admission by a law college because of her sexuality at one time, Nataraj now continues to hold lecture programs across Ivy League universities such as Yale University.

Some of her other achievements include receiving the SNA Puraskar from the President of India in 2011, the Kalaimamani Award from Tamil Nadu Government in 2007, Nruthya Choodamani Award from Shri Krishna Gana Sabha and having her life story featured in 11th standard Tamil textbook of Tamil Nadu Government in 2018 as an attempt to sensitize young minds about the transgender community. 

In 2002, Nataraj forced the Union Home Ministry to change the alphabet ‘U’ (eunuch) to ‘F’ for female in gender column of passports issued to transgenders. She also fought to replace the derogatory Tamil word used to refer to transgenders, ‘Aravani’ with ‘Thiru Nangai,’ a term that she coined which means “supreme woman.”

Dr. Narthaki Nataraj’s inclusion in the TN Government deserves much appreciation and can be a revolutionary step toward a more inclusive and gender-neutral political environment for people with diverse sexualities and identities. 

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