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By Avani Bansal

(With RSS pushing the wall, with installment of Bharat Mata statue at RSS office, in Bareilly, UP, as latest as yesterday, it is now anyone’s guess, what a Bharat Mata holding a saffron flag is meant to depict – Hindu Nationalism – an idea that works for the RSS and BJP but an idea that is simply against the idea of the Constitution and the idea of India that emanates from it. So we need to think deeply of what we mean by ‘Bharat Mata’)

The Constitution of India doesn’t provide for a gender for ‘Bharat’. The very first Article of the Indian Constitution states that ‘India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States’ (Article 1). So why not let ‘Bharat’, just be ‘Bharat’, one which as per the Preamble – we, the people of India (‘all’ the people of India), have given to ‘ourselves’? Why add the suffix ‘Mata’, and does this add any value to our understanding or how we relate to our Nation?

Now this idea of seeing one’s nation either as a patriarchal or a matriachal figure is not uncommon and varies from country to country and time to time. Why is Germany – a father figure, requiring a male pronoun and why is United Kingdom – a ‘she’, is difficult to answer with some solid logic except by looking into the culture and political/historical milieu of every nation, and ofcourse some history. While gender neutral terms do exist – ‘homeland’ or ‘ancient land’, there are also some countries who don’t use any of these suffixes, oddly referred to as ‘orphans’ (vehemently oppose that term!), here :

https://www.mcislanguages.com/fatherland-vs-motherland-what-is-the-gender-of-your-country/

(Map from here)

How India came to be called ‘Bharat Mata is an interesting story in itself. But before coming to that – why does this question matter?

I will argue that merely using the word ‘Mata’ without thinking of deeper questions, does us a disservice. Here’s how :

First, the logic that ours is a land where women are worshipped as Goddesses has done precious little in actually increasing the collective respect that we accord to women in our society and in our country. As the title of the movie ‘Matrabhoomi – a nation without women’ shows on every possible gender matrix, India’s performance is worth hanging one’s head in shame. With the increasing crime rate against women, scant attention on women’s reproductive health, education of school girls, women’s safety and most importantly women’s represenation in public offices including politics, shows that women are far from being ‘worshipped’ in India. As in ‘Pratima Visarjan’, the famous painting by Gaganendranath Tagore, we think of women, like Goddesses, on specified days and then go on to submerge them in the rivers and in our active memories, making peace with everyday injustice against those most close to us.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pratima_Visarjan_by_Gaganendranath_Tagore.png

Secondly, this particular form of love for ‘mother’ has been well adorned and subjected to poetry, literature, essays, books amongst others, not just in India but around the world. In India, a mother’s love has reached the epitome of love’s expression with mothers cooking for their sons, until they can no longer cook and ‘mamma’s boy’ being taken as a badge of honour than showing lack of independence. The close familial ties in India means that the expression ‘mata’ or ‘mother’ can be naturally extended to the nation-state, with seemingly little or no objection from anyone and common rejoice in the emotional warcry of ‘living and dying for mother and motherland’. But here’s the challenge.

While we exalt the love of the mother, why do we have such trouble accepting ‘Bharat’ as just a woman – and by the same analogy, her in different roles – of a lover, a sexual being, a single woman, amongst others? What, for instance, explains the controversy around M.F. Hussain’s famous painting the ‘Bharat Mata’?

https://www.skyshot.in/post/7-greatest-indian-painters-of-all-time

Thirdly, if the idea of India is all inclusive, as per our Constitution, then exalting ‘Bharat’ as a Mother may in some way exclude people belonging to other religions who may not see the concept of nation tied to that of a mother or a father.

But then, if Jews have a fatherland, Russians have a motherland, why can’t we have a motherland? Because, we have never aped anyone. India is an experiment – one to design a unique solutions to all of its unique problems. Differences existed even when our Constitution was being drafted, with members belonging to extreme right and left wing, including moderates, trying to shape the India of their dreams. But it is the idea, as prescribed in the Indian Constitution, that won the day, and for our purposes has to be the milestone, from where Indian history, relevant for our purpose begins. So if our idea of Secularism comes with the Constitution, that of Gender Equality and where necessary of Gender Neutrality or Non-Discrimination, too comes from the Constitution. By linear logic, if we believe in the Indian Constitution as our guiding principle, then we need to rethink the idea of the ‘Bharat Mata’.

Finally, by calling Bharat ‘Bharat Mata’, we somehow think we have done what needs to be done for the women in the country. In other words, the rhetoric around the word ‘Mata’, and the trait of being satisfied with symbolism means that we think precious little about doing something tangible and significant to improve the lot of women. Not just that, the larger communicable disease of paying lip service deadens our collective spirit and the need to do engage in deeper questioning of both – the systemic and individual discrimination that we witness everyday.

Recently, on a field trip on Mendha Lekha village in Mahrashtra, which is a village with largely tribal population, popularly known for their collective form of decision making with the village motto – ‘In Delhi and Mumbai, we have our Government but in our village, we are the Government’, the headman of the village remarked – “For us, those who consider ourselves as guardians of the forests, engaging in any type of agriculture was like using the plough on the stomach of our motherland!”.

(Picture of Mendha Lekha’s slogan : From Author’s Diary)

Ofcourse, this attitude has softened over the years and they do engage in agriculture now, but they still have that awareness around what it could mean to do or not to do to one’s ‘motherland’. This may be an extreme example. But let’s think of more everyday ones – those sprinkled all around us. How are we okay with sexist jokes, wife jokes, sexist words for which there is no male equivalent (‘rakhel’ or ‘keep’ for instance), sexist songs which reduce women to objects – which we defend in the name of entertainment, sexist advertisements which we defend in the name of commercialisation; sexist behaviour such as non transfer of equal property to women inspite of there being a clear law for it – in the name of culture? How are we okay when we don’t see women in public spaces – not in garden, in sports ground, out of homes after evening hours? How are we okay with deafening silence of women in our private spaces, where women hardly have space to express their opinion? How are we okay when someone we knows character assasinates another woman in a powerful position, just because it is easy to drag her down by talking of her character?

And no, it’s not just about men discriminating against women, but women discriminating against their own gender too. And why identify ‘Bharat’ with a gender at all – isn’t there space for those who have fluid gender too? Don’t we also see discrimination against men in our society? Don’t we have societies in India, which are women centric, sometimes leading to reverse discrimination against men?

So it boils down to this. Where does our need for identifying our nation with a gender come from. I will argue, that assuming the best, even if the intent of its origin is well placed, there exists no purpose beyond empty slogans, repeated ad nauseum to keep the collective energy high in all political gatherings, and now increasingly to suit vested political agendas.

Whether it is BJP’s – Bharat Mata Ki Jai or Congress’s Sevadal’s – Bolo Bharat Mata Ki, Jai, Jai, Jai – everytime we sing out this slogan, we need to pause, and ponder – are we doing enough for women, are we doing enough for all humans, for all living beings around it? Any politics which is based on ‘humanism’, cannot stop at the slogan of women, it has to constantly work tirelessly towards emanicipation of women.

While cultural expression of ‘motherland’ definitely got a boost in popular imagination with movies such as ‘Mother-India’, the political expression of it is worthy of taking note.

Interestingly, the image of Bharat Mata that is used by the RSS and BJP to depict a Hindu Goddess, was born out of angst against the Britishers’ Divide & Rule Policy implemented first through the Partition of Bengal – mainly Hindu West from the majority Muslim East.

Abanindranath Tagore, decided to use Art to reclaim Indian heritage, painted – ‘Bharat Mata’, drawing upon the Japanese painter – Okakura Kakuzo.

(Image of Abanindranath Tagore’s first depiction of Bharat Mata)

This painting of Bharat Mata, was not to depict her as some Hindu Goddess, what one may perceive and RSS will have us believe looking at her saffron robe but as a pastoral deity holding ‘the four gifts of the motherland’: a white cloth, a book, a sheaf of paddy, and prayer beads; representing clothing, learning, food, and spiritual salvation. These symbols of Indian motherhood, which held emotive substance for Hindus and Muslims alike, are key to Tagore’s aim of conceptualising a ‘spiritual’ identity for his people, in direct contrast with the perceived ‘materialism’ of Europe.’

https://thecultural.me/abanindranath-tagores-bharat-mata-and-its-role-in-fostering-indian-identity-200413

Then came Bankimchandra Chattopadhyaya’s ‘Anand Math’ which celebrated India as a motherland -as a goddess, thereby taking this idea deeper into the imaginations of the masses. But while both Tagore and Chattopadhyaya’s idea of Bharat Mata came from a nationalistic fervour, it was the RSS which added the ‘Hindu Goddess’ tint to it. With RSS pushing the wall, with installment of Bharat Mata statue at RSS office, in Bareilly, UP, as latest as yesterday, it is now anyone’s guess, what a Bharat Mata holding a saffron flag is meant to depict – Hindu Nationalism – an idea that works for the RSS and BJP but an idea that is simply against the idea of the Constitution and the idea of India that emanates from it.

(RSS’s Picture of Bharat Mata)

Therefore it’s important to remember that those who championed the idea of Bharat Mata earlier, did so, because its origins were in ‘inclusive nationalism’ – that stresses on the emotions of seeing and treating one’s nation as a motherland, according women the highest respect in words and in action, and definitely a mother – who is a mother for all – a mother who doesn’t discriminate between her Hindu daughter and Muslim daugther.

One illustration of this is in Nehru ji’s own words who asked the people he met – “Who is this Bharat Mata, whose victory you wish?”, and then explaining that said “the mountains and rivers, forests and fields are of course dear to everyone” but what counted ultimately “is the people of India…”.

RSS, is now reversing this very idea of India and also that of Bharat Mata. While exalting Bharat Mata and installing her statute in different RSS offices, they are striking at the root of its origins – a Bharat for all, where all are treated with a mother’s love. As a people, we need to see RSS’s way of appropriating symbols and using them to serve their own political agendas, which is in sharp contrast with what that symbol originally represented – with the spirit of the Indian Constitution.

So everytime we use the expression ‘Bharat Mata’ now, we need to rethink and think deeper. We need to install Constitution in the hearts of the people, and make ‘the people’ realise that it us who are ‘Bharat Mata’. Bharat, thy name is enough.

Victory to the People, who have given this Constitution to ourselves. Yes, yes, we are the Bharat! And what we need, for a statute loving country that we are, unwilling to compromise on the politics of symbolism, which may have some purpose is a – Constitution in every square and circle of our country.

Avani Bansal is an Advocate and a Member of the Congress Party (Twitter @bansalavani). 

This article was first published on The Wire

https://m.thewire.in/article/women/bharat-mata-india-women-respect-safety-discrimination/amp

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Field Notes From Bharat Jodo Yatra 

By Avani Bansal

This Article is written based on my observations while walking on foot for 118 days from Kanyakumari enroute to Kashmir. While I am part of Rahul Gandhi led ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’, the views herein are solely my own.  

Amidst the cacophony of loud sloganeering, emotive faces of all ages, sharing the same curious look and glimmer of hope –  we have been wading through what seemed like two banks of a river formed by engimatic people, with warm eyes and warmer touch, all to behold Rahul Gandhi, and we would like to believe, the Bharat Yatris too (a term used for all those who have walked the entire stretch of ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ from Kanyakumari to Kashmir), from State after State – Tamil Nadu to Kerala, all the way to Punjab, where we are now – via Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. We started walking on 7th September, 2022 from the Southern most tip of India and have covered 3500 kms on foot thus far, with 15 more days to reach Srinagar. 

While remembering faces amongst thousands of people who we met enroute, becomes difficult, it would always be my focus to look out for women and girls– smile and wave at them, occassionaly shake hands, and every now and then, be surprised by a warm sudden hug from a woman, melting me with emotions. 

The reason I especially looked out for women, was partially selfish – which is to tell them (indirectly) and myself (in the process) that – ‘Hey, here I am! A woman walking from Kanyakumari, headed to Kashmir.’ That recognition in their eyes that women are doing this too, was both a self-affirmative thought and what I hope would be an inspiring one for them. I made it a point to wave at those women especially, who were standing atop their houses, or in balconies at the top floor of a five-six floor building or a couple of yards away, or meekly looking at us from her purdah, or behind a half-open door, for I needed them to know that I ‘see’ them.

 As women, we very often suffer from the phenomenon of ‘invisibility’ – the feeling that perhaps I am not seen – something that the lead character in the latest movie ‘Qala’ (on Netflix) makes an interesting dialougue about. But why am I complaining? I am not the only Woman Bharat Yatri – we are atleast 33 of us (as per the original list of bharat yatris – although there have been some additions later on) and we got ample media coverage, so what ‘invisibility’ are we talking about? 

Are all those women who came out to support us, invisible? What about those scores of girls and women who are seen sharing an emotional moment with Rahul Gandhi? Women holding flags and walking shoulder to shoulder for long distances; women holding flowers standing in long rows as an expression of their love; women dancing in their traditional attires on folk music in various states; women performing on stage on local cultural songs to welcome us; women from the tribal community putting on their massive headgears and beautiful dresses to welcome us; women standing out of their workplaces in groups to wave at us; working women, girl students, old women – weren’t they all there at the Yatra – to be seen by all of us? 

Yes, except very rarely did I see women in decision making roles and spaces. Women were holding flags, but very few were on hoardings and banners. Women were dancing on the streets, but very few were in management roles mobilising people for the Yatra. Women were there on the streets waiting for us, running small chai shops, selling flowers, pausing from their cleaning work with their brooms still in their hands, but they weren’t running the kirana shops, or small and medium scale enterprises, scores of which we crossed on our way. 

The beauty of living on roads, even if for a while, is that one gets to see a million stories in one frame of a second – as if everywhere you look, your eyes go ‘click’ and then in that picture you look for the unfolding of several characters. 

We walked past and met several women working in the farms, on construction sites or at brick kilns. Women were seen selling peanuts, working on flower fields, in ponds, and most of these are low paying unorganised sector jobs. But very few women were seen running restaurants, or selling garments, or heading medicine shops to name a few. 

I kept asking myself during the entire Yatra – “Where are all the women?”

Yes, there was a Shakti Amma, about 70 year old woman in Kerala, who had lost one of her chappal (slipper) due to the crowds in the Yatra, so she walked with one chappal, holding Mahila Congress flag for the entire day long. Yes, there was this mid-aged woman, who came running from her village, with a hand-made bouque of fresh flowers for Rahul Gandhi. Yes there was this group of Adivasi women, who didn’t speak our language and danced to completely unique music and dance steps – because someone told them that we were coming. 

Women continue to be ‘invisible’ in all strata of society, including politics, because one expects them to do what is told – not to give them agency or decision making power. In Congress, there are honourable exceptions – of strong women who have made it on their own but their numbers are still far from ideal. While Congress is the only party to boast of having ushered in many progressive laws for women safety and women empowerment, the represenation of women – not just symbolic but effective representation of women by  providing them with a real say in decision making, remains an uphill task. Ensuring 33 percent of reservation for women in Panchayati Raj system was a great start but we need to strive towards ensuring 33 percent reservation in Parliament. The decision of Priyanka Gandhi, to give tickets to women in Uttar Pradesh elections, was itself a very bold move. But beyond just political representation, the real stuggle for women in India is to emerge as a political force, such that no political party can do away with mere lip service to their cause. 

In speaking to hundreds of women and having multiple conversations with them across states, one thing is clear. There are some low lying fruits – some easy steps that can be taken towards women empowerment, safety and representation, provided there is political will. Start a women’s cooperative revolution; start a parallel women’s police force ; ensure easy credit loans to women entrepreneurs and women heading small and medium scale enterprises ; provide major boost to skill training for women; start nation wide self defence training program for women ; pay attention on the status of foster care homes for women –  to name a few. Some nation-wide programmes for women empowerment, which create a win-win situation, are the need of the hour. 

For instance, take up something simple as ‘sewing’ – provide that training to women at all levels and create a potential garment industry revolution. Now it’s not as easy as it reads, but we need to think on these lines to economically empower women who don’t have education, or empolyment opportunties. 

We have to move away from discussing women issues on specific days, or around specific events. We need to move away from patting ourselves at the back for a few heroic achievements of individual women, and focus on ushering in systemic change. We need to ask ourselves some tough questions, such as – why do women in India still have to bust their gall bladders by not being able to use clean toilets? Why do our girls still have to walk for kilometers to go to schools? Why are women almost absent from public spaces and men seem to use these spaces as if they are the sole users – be it on roads, grounds, parks etc.? Why are we still arguing about what women wear or who they choose to marry, without caring enough about their education and healthcare? And why have we failed to put forth a concrete road-map to make India safe for women?

While there are many people, individuals and organisations working towards women empowerment in different aspects, what makes politics an interesting way of bringing about ‘change’ is that with one right tweak in policy, we can affect the lives of millions of women. As one renowned healthcare expert, who was walking with us in the Yatra told me – “if the government adds atleast one lentil and some ghee in the ration system (along with rice), it can significantly decrease the iron deficiency in women. Also it can lead to people cooking ‘khichdi’ and that can be one full meal for families.” 

Rahul Gandhi has shown an open heart and a path of love during this Yatra. It presents him as a kind leader, something of a rarity in Indian politics. What that will mean for women in India has to be seen. 

For now, women will continue to walk as they forever have. The question is – will they ever arrive or will they forever be in a Yatra to realise their full rights and dignity, something that our Constitution makers promised them on Day 1. 

First Published here:
https://m.thewire.in/article/politics/where-are-the-women-field-notes-from-the-bharat-jodo-yatra

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By Asif Iqbal

Last year, survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy commemorated the 37th anniversary of the incident. Thereafter, they decided to launch a campaign, “Bhopal Disaster: 37 years; 37 questions”, through this campaign, they decided to ask one question for the next 37 days.

A delegation of five members met with the Union Minister of Health and Fertilizers, Mansukh Mandaviya, and submitted their memorandum on June 19, 2022; they have urged to take action on their five demands of which they seek relief, compensation, and correction in the figures of the numbers of people both injured and dead in the curative petition submitted before the Supreme Court of India.

On the 25th day of the campaign, they asked, “Why is the Madhya Pradesh government sitting for ten years on Rs. 40 crores, meant to provide social support to ease the suffering of Bhopal survivors?”. In 2010, the Group of Ministers had approved the transfer of Rs. 85.20 crores from the Central government to the Department of Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation (DBGTRR), Government of Madhya Pradesh. The decision on constructing houses in areas affected by groundwater contamination continues to be on paper. 

In a telephonic conversation, Shezadi Bee, member, Bhopal Gas PeeditMahilaPurush Sangharsh Morcha, said that the state government acknowledged the death of 15,000 people because of the tragedy, but they submitted before the Supreme Court of India that 5295 people died. The Chief Minister, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, has not met survivors despite working in the capital for the last ten years, never uttered a single word about survivors of the tragedy. How can we expect something from them; we are still struggling for our justice for the last 37 years. 

She expressed that the survivors of the tragedy are not claiming compensation from the Central or the state government; they want the compensation to be taken from the company. Small kids who had suffered because of the gas leak in 1984 have grown, but they are not in a condition to provide income to maintain their families. The Gas Relief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Vishwas Sarang’s family were amongst survivors, and they received compensation for the tragedy. However, he did not transfer the agenda which was submitted by us before the Supreme Court as it was promised to survivors. Later, she spoke about the lack of medicine and treatment in ICMR, many survivors have died because of it, and many survivors are suffering from Blood pressure, heart disease, cancer, and issues concerning kidney. Neither of the political parties who have been in power has neglected victims. She shared an incident of then Gas relief Minister in the Congress Government, ArifAqueel, who had promised to render recompense to survivors. Then on being called, he had told her to gather 500 people; Neelam Park was the venue decided, but the politician did not arrive, and on being asked about his false promise, he said that no help be provided to survivors. 

Through this campaign, associated groups tried to highlight issues that concern compensation, criminal justice, medical, economic, social rehabilitation and environmental remediation of polluted lands.

Women Suffered Immensely From this Tragedy: 

The methyl isocyanate has affected women immensely as they may not conceive a child as toxic gases on foetuses has exposed to gas in-utero. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women came into force on September 3, 1981, under the resolution 34/180 in the United Nations General Assembly passed at the same juncture. The conventions mention the instruments which are available to provide support to women and maintain their dignity. However, extensive discrimination remains against them as they cannot gain food, health, education, training and other opportunities. This pitiable deed will cause an indiscernible consequence on the welfare of the family, and the development of society, will not take place. The report published by the Down to Earth wrote about the social rehabilitation scheme, Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation, where Rupees One thousand (i.e. Rs. 1,000) was promised to be given to the widow of the Bhopal gas tragedy incident. However, there were around 5,000 widows who did not receive their pension for the last 18 months, and they could not protest because of the pandemic. 

The government restricted this pension between 2016 and 2017 without providing reasons for their query. It was claimed by the Union Department of Social Justice that the reason over 2.5 million widows, abandoned women, and especially table weren’t able to receive their pensions during the three months of the first lockdown was that the finance ministry did not allocate the amount for beneficiaries. The centres which were built for yoga sessions to improve the health conditions of Bhopal tragedy victims are utilised to organise weddings. The inability of the government not to benefit the widow, and victims, especially able is against Article 47 of the Constitution, where the state need to give regard to raising the level of nutrition and improve public health and Article 38, where they shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order.

The Discrepancy in Death figures

On their 15th day of the campaign, allied groups to be given justice for their loss suffered during the 1984 gas tragedy entreated the state government concerning their submissions before the Supreme Court of India as two dissimilar death figures to the tragedy was provided. They had submitted in the Criminal curative petition (No. 39-42/2010) before the apex court, wherein the survey conducted by the Department of Gas Relief and Rehabilitation found 15,248 people died because of the gas leak. On the other hand, in the civil curative petition (No. 345-347/2010) for additional compensation from the Union Carbide and Dow chemical, the state government informed the apex court that 5295 people died because of the disaster.

Rashida Bee, President, the Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karmchari Sangh (BGPMSKS), said they want to know why the state government is misleading the Supreme Court of India on the issue which concerns death caused by the exposure to the methyl isocyanate.

Their question becomes significant because the action plan prepared by the state government in 2008 for the rehabilitation of gas victims mentioned that over 16,000 people had died in the tragedy. Thus, many survivors will remain excluded from receiving compensation and benefits of schemes for rehabilitation from the disaster. The incident has affected their bodies to participate in any workforce to earn income for their livelihoods.

The never ending litigation in this tragedy: 

The apex court in 1996 had revoked charges against a few accused, and those were under Section 304 (part II), 324, 326 and 429 of the Indian Penal Code 1860 (I.P.C). It was pointed out by the bench that the trial court should frame charges under Section 304A. Consequently, the proposed review petition (Criminal Misc. Petition Nos. 1713-16 of 1997) was dismissed on March 10, 1997. The decision of 1996 was questioned neither by C.B.I nor by the State Government of Madhya Pradesh. There were no review petitions filed under Article 137 of the Constitution of India; they proceeded for 14 years to prosecute the accused under Section 304A, 336, 337 read with Section 35 I.P.C.

There was a petition filed by the Central Bureau of Investigation (C.B.I) in 2010 to recall the judgement of the apex court in 1996. The petitioner stated that the court made an error in ignoring materials and cancelling the charge under Section 304 (part II). The Supreme court of India held that there was no satisfactory explanation given to file a curative petition after the judgement was delivered in 1996. Those who were convicted include former Union Carbide India Chairman Keshub Mahindra. The apex court dismissed the curative petition (Criminal case no. 39-42) in 2011. 

On their 31st day of the campaign, the question was directed towards the investigative bureau; they asked, “Why has the CBI failed to make Dow Chemical appear in the ongoing criminal proceedings on the disaster in the Bhopal District Court despite six summons issued by the Court since 2014?

In 2001, Dow Company took over Union Carbide; they took control of their assets as well as the civil, criminal and environmental liabilities in Bhopal. In the last five years, the district court of Bhopal issued five summonses to Dow Company to produce absconder Union Carbide in the criminal trial. These notices were made under the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), which permits the Home Ministry and CBI to ask the Department of Justice (USA) that notices served to Dow Chemicals. 

The curative petition (civil case no. 345-347/2010) was registered on December 22, 2010. Petitioners to this matter are BGPSMKS through Rashida Bee, BGPMPSM through Nawab Khan and Others along with the Union of India against the Union Carbide Corporation, the DOW Chemicals and Others. It was filed concerning the judgement which was delivered by the Supreme Court of India on February 14, 1989, where Union Carbide was directed to compensate with the sum of INR 750 crore.  A Bhopal court had given an order on June 7, 2010, against seven executives of Union Carbide India for imprisonment up to two years in connection with the incident.

The release of 27 tonnes of methyl isocyanate and other gases in Bhopal on December 4, 1984, turned the place into a gas chamber. The company’s document mentioned that the design of the plant was planned with unproven and untested technology; the purpose was to save money on maintenance and safety. The Station House Officer (S.H.O) registered suo-moto under Section 304A I.P.C; it was registered as Criminal Case No. 1104 of 1984. Thereafter, the investigation of this tragedy was taken over by C.B.I on December 6, 1984. The court of C.J.M held the charge-sheet about the incident on December 1, 1987. 

Judge M.W. Deo, Bhopal District Court, gave the order on December 17, 1987, to provide an interim compensation of Rs 350 crores. His decision on compensation was challenged before the High Court, Bhopal and the judgement was delivered on April 4, 1988. However, the interim compensation was brought down to Rs 250 crores; this decision was further challenged by the Union Carbide in the Supreme Court of India.

The Central Government in the Supreme Court of India in August 2011 said UCC which is owned by Dow should be directed to pay an additional sum of Rs 7413 crores as compensation.

The matter for compensation was last listed for January 29, 2020, heard by five judges consisting of Justices Arun Mishra (retd.), Indira Banerjee, Vineet Saran, M.R. Shah and S. Ravindra Bhat. The next date to hear a plea by the Central Government seeking additional funds from successor firms of the United States of America (U.S.A) based Union Carbide Corporation (U.C.C) was for February 11, 2020. The aim is to provide compensation to victims who suffered from the tragedy at Bhopal in 1984. The matter on compensation was led by then Justice Arun Mishra, and he had stated that the plea would be heard by a dissimilar grouping of judges. It was informed by the Supreme Court of India that the then Chief Justice of India, S.A. Bobde- will decide on establishing the composition of the bench which will hear the matter because Justice Ravindra Bhat offered to recuse himself from not hearing this matter as he had appeared as a lawyer for the Central Government in the settlement case in 1989. The Justice had expressed his unwillingness to hear the matter, he said, “I had appeared for the Union of India in the matter when union had sought review”. Therefore, a new bench of judges shall hear the Centre’s plea to try and find additional funds from the Union Carbide which is currently own by Dow Chemicals Co. 

Last year, the Madhya Pradesh High Court delivered the order that the Madhya Pradesh Government will need to provide free treatment to the victims suffering from cancer because of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy in AIIMS Bhopal. The Bhopal Gas Peedith Mahila Udyog Sangthan and Others had filed this plea on which the judgment was delivered by then the Chief Justice Mohd. Rafiq, and Justice Vijay Kumar Shukla.

Meanwhile, the District Judge of Bhopal gave another day of hearing on March 25, 2022, to pick up the Union Carbide and its convicted officials to present their final arguments from April 25-29, 2022 in the criminal appeal. This appeal has been pending in court since 2010 against Union Carbide and its convicted officials. However, the matter on the compensation for victims of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy is yet to be decided by the apex court. 

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By Radhika Barman

Congress party is bringing a big change in the country, starting from Uttar Pradesh, where it has given poll tickets to those who have suffered injustice at the hands of the ruling BJP.

Recently, Priyanka Gandhi came in news for empowering women by making them fight for elections. Asha Singh, whose daughter was raped and whose husband died in judicial custody, is to contest from Unnao on the Congress ticket. 

An ASHA worker who was roughed up by the police, a Congress leader who was jailed during Anti-CAA protests, and now yet activist who was attacked during Panchayat elections are all amonst the first list of Congress candidates in UP.  Priyanka Gandhi does seem to walk the talk in UP. On the other hand, BJP gave a ticket to Kuldeep Sengar’s wife in the panchayat polls only to cancel it later. 

Democracy is a government of the people, for the people and by the people, we were taught. But in reality, the democracy we have grown up with has been governments of, for, and by the politicians. For the first time in my memory, a major national party seems to change that.

Tickets have been granted to the most marginalized people born on the wrong end of the power structure, people who’ve known oppression, and people who have fought against it. They are survivors, not victims. They understand the pain, and will hopefully be empathetic legislators.

Yes, they may lack “experience and intimate know-how of the system”, and we have no idea of their competence since they have never been tested. But unless given the opportunity, how will anyone gain experience? 

Some may dismiss this as “tokenism”. But why would a party that is fighting a “do or die” election risk pandering to tokenism? Congress is talking of empowering the marginalized, and they are walking the talk. I, for one, rejoice. 

Whether the congress wins or loses, for the first time a major party has given tickets to the truly marginalized.

If change has to come, it can only come by empowering marginalized people who have known oppression. Others speak of upliftment, Congress in UP seems to be working towards it. It will be hypocrisy to dismiss it off on the name of tokenism, as it not only dismisses the challenges that will be faced by an abuse survivor to fight a tough political battle but also subscribes to the narrow-minded rape taboo. Instead of sympathizing over the “abuse” prefix let us be empathetic enough to acknowledge the importance of changing power structures, as that is the real fight in Indian democracy, much beyond elections. 

Lasting social change will only come when the most marginalized are empowered to speak for themselves. And that’s what feminism stands for – true equality for everyone and recognising the humanness in everyone. For this, what’s needed is not passive defence of toxic masculinity but affirmative actions of bringing people from all diaspora to have a real chance at contesting and winning elections. 

Thus, in a world of clashing interests – war against peace, nationalism against internationalism, equality against greed, and democracy against elitism, the UP elections are now a litmus test. It is a test of our humane credentials as to whether we subscribe to the idea of hate, violence, misogyny or love, peace, and progress. Whether or not, India will choose love over hate, is a question of time, but all we can hope for now is that the political fabric continues to strengthen itself to be inclusive.

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राजेश ओ. पी. सिंह 


कोरोना की दूसरी खतरनाक लहर में संपन्न हुए पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता बनर्जी की तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने बाजी मार ली है और 2011 के बाद से लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सत्ता पर काबिज होने में सफल हुई है। हालांकि तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 2019 लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी हार का सामना किया था , तब से ( मई,2019) लेकर मई,2021 तक ममता बनर्जी और उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर ने जबरदस्त और कुशल मेहनत करते हुए मतदाता को भरोसा दिलाया कि ममता ही बंगाल के मुख्यमंत्री पद के लिए सर्वश्रेष्ठ विकल्प है और इसी भरोसे के सहारे वो इस चुनाव में जबरदस्त वापसी करने में सफल हुए ।
पश्चिम बंगाल में 1977 से 2011 तक लगातार 34 वर्षो तक लेफ्ट ने शासन किया, 2011 में जब तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने पहली बार विधानसभा चुनाव जीता और  सत्ता पर काबिज हुई तो इस जीत की भूमिका कई वर्षों पूर्व में बनना शुरू हुई थी, सर्वप्रथम वर्ष 2008 में पश्चिम बंगाल में संपन्न हुए पंचायत चुनावों में तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने जीत दर्ज की, उसके बाद 2009 में हुए लोकसभा चुनावों में भी तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने लेफ्ट को भारी पराजय का सामना करवाया और अंततः 2011 विधानसभा चुनावों में लेफ्ट को सत्ता से बाहर कर दिया, और बिल्कुल इसी पैटर्न पर भाजपा चल रही थी 2008 व 2009  की तरह 2018 के पंचायत व 2019 के लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी जीत हासिल करने में कामयाब रही थी और इसी आधार पर कुछ राजनीतिक व चुनावी विश्लेषकों का मानना था कि बंगाल 2011 के इतिहास को दोहराएगा और भाजपा  तृणमूल कांग्रेस को सत्ता से बाहर कर पाने में सफल हो पाएगी, परन्तु ममता की कड़ी मेहनत ने इसे होने नहीं दिया, भाजपा व अन्य चुनावी राजनीतिक विश्लेषकों को जिन्हें लगता था कि पंचायत और लोकसभा चुनाव जीतने के बाद भाजपा विधानसभा चुनाव भी जीतने में सफल हो पाएगी, वो सब ग़लत साबित हुए हैं।
ममता बनर्जी की जीत में उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर की सबसे अहम भूमिका रही है, उन्होंने न केवल ममता को चुनाव जीतने में सहयोग किया है बल्कि चुनाव से  पांच महीने पहले कही बात कि भाजपा दो डिजिट पार नहीं करेगी , को भी सच साबित किया है, यहां प्रशांत के लिए दोहरी चुनौती थी, परन्तु वो इस चुनौती को भेद पाने में कामयाब रहे है। प्रशांत किशोर के अलावा भी कुछ महत्वपूर्ण बिंदु ऐसे है जिन्होंने ममता के चुनाव जीतने में अहम भूमिका निभाई है , उनका जिक्र इस प्रकार है –
मजबूत नेतृत्व और साफ छवि – ममता हमेशा से जुझारू व मजबूत नेता रही है, इस चुनाव में भी उन्होंने व्हील चेयर पर होने के बावजूद सक्रिय भूमिका निभाई और हर जगह संघर्ष करते हुए नजर आई। इसके आलावा उनकी साफ छवि ने भी मतदाताओं को उनकी तरफ आकर्षित किया है, क्योंकि ममता सरकार में भ्रष्टाचार के सारे आरोप उनके मंत्रियों या विधायको के सिर पर रहें है और ऐसे लगभग सभी खराब और नकारत्मक छवि वाले लोगों को या तो पार्टी से बाहर का रास्ता दिखा दिया या फिर वो खुद पार्टी छोड़ कर चले गए । उनके जाने के बाद तृणमूल कांग्रेस एक बार फिर साफ सुथरी हो गई और ममता की साफ छवि का आकर्षण मतदाताओं को अपनी तरफ खींच पाने में सफल हुआ।
महिला नेतृत्व होने की वजह से महिलाओं के वोट को तृणमूल कांग्रेस अपनी तरफ कर पाने में सफल रही है, क्यूंकि दूसरी विरोधी पार्टी के पास महिला नेतृत्व का अभाव था ।
सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच – लोकसभा चुनावों के तुरंत बाद से लेकर पिछले दो वर्षो में ममता सरकार ने लगातार अनेक कार्यक्रम चलाए जिनसे सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच को सुनिश्चित किया जा सका, इनमें सबसे प्रमुख था ” ममता के बोलो ”  इसमें एक फोन नंबर दिया गया और कोई भी व्यक्ति अपनी बात सीधा ममता को बता सकता था और हर व्यक्ति की बात को ममता की टीम द्वारा सुना गया और आम जन की हर समस्या को दूर करने का पूर्ण प्रयास किया, इसका मतदाताओं पर बहुत साकारात्मक प्रभाव पड़ा ।
बाहरी व अंदरूनी का प्रभाव – ममता ने इसको मुद्दा बनाया और बंगाली लोगों को ये समझा पाने में कामयाब रही कि मैं आपकी आपनी हूं और भाजपा वाले बाहरी है, इसलिए आप अपनों के लिए मतदान करें ना की बाहरी के लिए। इस सिलसिले में ममता की पार्टी ने कई नारे जैसे बंगाल की बेटी, बंगाल का सम्मान , बंगाली बनाम गैर बंगाली आदि, जिनका ममता बनर्जी को पूरा फायदा मिला है।
सोशल इंजीनियरिंग – तृणमूल कांग्रेस लोकसभा चुनावों में जिन क्षेत्रों में हारी थी, बात चाहे जंगल महल क्षेत्र की करें या कूचबिहार की, वहां पर अनुसूचित जाति और अनुसूचित जनजाति के मतदाता ज्यादा संख्या में हैं । इसलिए विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता ने इन जातियों का खास ख्याल रखा, इसका अंदाजा इस बात से लगाया जा सकता है कि बंगाल में 68 सीटें अनुसूचित जाति के लिए आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 79 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जाति के लोगों को चुनाव लड़वाया ,वहीं अनुसूचित जनजाति की 16 सीटें आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ से 17 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जनजाति के लोग चुनाव लड़ रहे हैं।दूसरा उत्तरी बंगाल में ( कूचबिहार, दार्जलिंग आदि क्षेत्र) एक महत्वपूर्ण अनुसूचित जाति है ‘ राजवंशी ‘ उन्हें ये आश्वाशन दिया गया कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस की सरकार बनने पर उनके मुख्य देवता के जन्मदिन पर प्रदेश में सरकारी अवकाश घोषित किया जाएगा,उनकी भाषा को सरकारी स्कूलों में पढ़ाया जाएगा, उनकी जाति के नाम से एक नई पुलिस फोर्स बनाई जाएगी ,आदि आश्वासनों ने भी इस समुदाय जो की लोकसभा चुनावों में भाजपा के पक्ष में गया था को वापिस तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ लाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है। ममता ने अनुसूचित जातियों को फिर से विश्वास दिलवाया की वो ही उनकी सच्ची हितेषी है और अपने पक्ष में मतदान करवाने में सफल हो पाई।
तृणमूल कांग्रेस ध्रुवीकरण की राजनीति से दूर रही और  पूरे चुनावों के दौरान उसने समग्र मतदाताओं पर ध्यान दिया, ममता ने हिन्दू – मुस्लिम, छोटे लोग – भद्र लोग , शहरी – ग्रामीण आदि कोई अंतर नहीं किया और सभी वर्गों पर पूरा ध्यान दिया जिसका फायदा ममता की पार्टी को मिला, क्यूंकि इस से हर समुदाय का कुछ ना कुछ वोट ममता के पक्ष में आया, वहीं दूसरी तरफ भाजपा मुस्लिम जो कि प्रदेश में 30 प्रतिशत के आसपास है को पार्टी से अलग थलग रखा, और केवल 70 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं के सहारे चुनाव लड़ रही थी वहीं दूसरी तरफ तृणमूल कांग्रेस का ध्यान पूरे 100 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं पर था, और इसी का नतीजा है कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सरकार बनाने में सफल हो पाई है।
भाजपा बनाम भाजपा का फायदा भी ममता को मिला है, क्यूंकि भाजपा ने तृणमूल कांग्रेस छोड़ कर गए लोगों को पार्टी में अहम स्थान दिए और उन्हे चुनाव भी लड़वाए, इस से भाजपा का पुराना मतदाता नाराज़ हुआ क्यूंकि उस क्षेत्र में उनकी लड़ाई उसी व्यक्ति से थी परन्तु अब वो व्यक्ति भाजपा का उम्मीदवार हो गया था , जैसे बहुत से स्थानों पर मतदाताओं ने साफ साफ बोला कि वो तृणमूल कांग्रेस के इसी नेता के खिलाफ थे उनकी लड़ाई इसी के खिलाफ थी परन्तु अब वो भाजपा में आ गया है तो हम कैसे उसे वोट दे, हमारी लड़ाई आज भी उसी के खिलाफ है, इस प्रकार ऐसे लोगों ने भाजपा से नाराज होकर ममता के पक्ष में मतदान किया है।
और भी अन्य कई कारण है जिनकी सहायता से ममता चुनाव जीतने में सफल हो पाईं है इनमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है उनका साधारण व्यक्तित्व, उनकी कड़ी मेहनत करने की लालसा आदि।

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India heard Rahul Gandhi say “If somebody is harassing you, if somebody is not giving you what is your due, you have to face them and challenge them” at the Bharathidasan college for women in Puducherry. India watched him teach some moves of Aikido, a form of martial art to the students of St. Teresa College for Women in Kerala after asserting ‘women are much more powerful than men are but they fail to understand their power.’ India feels 33 percent reservation in government jobs for women and the passage of Women’s Reservation Bill securing 33 percent seats in Parliament is possible only with Rahul at the helm. True to the quote  “When thou doest alms, let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth: that thine alms may be in secret…” Rahul attempted an actual action to assuage the fears and misery of Nirbhaya’s family. When parties and leaders won’t miss an opportunity to paste their photos or symbols on stuff they donate, thereby flaunting their philanthropy, there existed a  leader with class who pleaded with the recipients of his goodwill that his act remains a secret. Congress aligning with DMK is a good sign or omen especially for women because it’s a party molded by Muthuvel Karunanidhi, both a product and a creator of the Dravidian movement who ensured his progressive social policies made way towards significant social development in TN. For instance women’s welfare measures such as the Anjugam Ammaiyar Inter-caste Marriage Assistance Scheme, Dr. Dharmambal Ammaiyar Memorial Widow Remarriage Scheme, Moovalur Ramamirtham Marriage Assistance scheme, EVR Nagammaiyar Memorial Free Graduate Education for Girls Scheme and the Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy Memorial Maternity Assistance Scheme were were initiated and implemented successfully.  

Tamilnadu is buzzing ever since Rahul Gandhi set foot here because he represents a hopeful future for ‘Bharat Mata’ as a whole. Whatever he did with whoever, he looked more than endearing with gestures that revealed who he is and what he will be.  He could blend effortlessly and his desire to make society more fair and equitable, with economic possibilities for all, was visible in his conversations and programs. 

In terms of leadership style, Rahul has introduced “charisma” into the political equation. He has a strong rapport with the public and he understands how to use the media to shape public opinion. More so,  elections look like they are based more on the individual than the political party. No doubt Rahul has inherited his father’s charm. When people voted the Congress to victory in 1984, they were generally casting their vote for Rajiv Gandhi the man instead of for him as the standard-bearer of the  Party. The most popular Prime Minister up to his time, Rajiv used his enthusiasm to shape issues, and to mold opinions too. 

Educational institutions welcomed him with ease. Rahul interacted ever-so-casually with students just to kind of hear from them, find out what they’re interested in, because he believes that most of the problems that we have are going to be solved by young minds. In his every move he was setting an example and to his critics he certainly looked like an important symbol of progress. It wasn’t an abstraction as Rahul witnessed the students in action, some impatient with events/things not in their control, few angry over losses and many sad about the existing structural inequities  He recognized a part of him in them and he took it on him to help them understand a little bit more about how government works and explained how difficult it is to move this society forward without the right leadership. 

At Xavier’s college, Tirunelveli the congress president made it clear that the real significance of what we do and achieve on the educational front must be reflected, not in statistics, but in the experiences of individual Indians, young and old, whose lives are supposed to be shaped by new educational programs and policies which should be formulated in tune with the needs and demands. Yet for the progress if any, we still face enormous problems in education: stubborn, lingering, unyielding problems because the policies are drafted by those who aim to use education as a “means for ideological indoctrination”. Interactive sessions highlighted Rahul’s skills as a good listener. Patiently did he listen and with all due honesty he clarified doubts and instilled hope. Definitely, connections that tie the government and the governed are primarily widespread public pessimism about the ability of the ruling government, at pretty much every level was heard and seen. Rahul’s extempores and the manner in which he responded to the ‘Educators Meet’  stood in vivid contrast to Modi’s constant uptalk as he reads from a teleprompter, staccato clauses and Twitter outbursts. The soul of his sentences – the resonance and depth took people back to the good old days of Kingmaker Kamarajar when he said education is not a financial commodity and hence should be available to everyone. He reiterated that noble professions like farming, education and healthcare being turned into financial commodities for the benefit of a handful of cronies  has led to drastic changes in how our society perceives the role of food,knowledge and health in human life. A true leader like Rahul knows and understands that a country’s identity is the fusing of millions of disparate stories into a singular vision- a welfare society. Gujarat burns again and it’s never a model state. 

In Mulagumodu, the hamlet of the Bruges lace Rahul was modish, making friends with students, weaving an intricate lace with love, dance, Aikido, push-ups and promises. Compelling and inspiring were Rahul’s mannerisms. Intimidated by this man’s camaraderie, the miserable Tamil Nadu unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party on Thursday wrote to the Election Commission to restrain Congress MP Rahul Gandhi from campaigning in vain. Thus, a genuine reply to a student who was concerned about the lack of freedom of expression in today’s India looked like a threat to national security but not the disappearance of rafale files or student groups like ABVP that inflict violence on students and practice goondaism by people in the disguise of leaders. 

‘Big moment’ with the Chefs of the Village Cooking Channel (VCC) was the acme of RaGa’s visit. Whether it’s the way he transformed into one of them to become a hands on cook or the way he pronounced the ingredients in tamil or the manner in which he made them feel that he had a connection with them listening to their dreams and helping them grow wings by offering to introduce his friend Sam Pitroda or showing his humorous side, RaGa did it in style with no pretence whatsoever. As opposed to the PM who tried to woo the tamilians by trying his best in vain to utter a few couplets that did nothing but give enough content for memes and jokes in Tamilnadu, Rahul brought back Tamilnadu’s spirit and it’s sense of optimism. Any vision is worth little if a leader doesn’t have the character–the wisdom and heart to see through people’s eyes, hear between words and beyond what was spoken. Just a Few hours with the village chefs and their voices played into Rahul’s deep sense of Tamilnadu’s history and his belief in the promise of democracy. Seated beside them as they relished the mushroom biryani, Rahul discussed big ideas.  We aren’t in an age where no popular leader can any longer mingle with his fellow citizens, either to stir them or learn from them.  Remember the ‘Big Drama’ enacted by A Shah who visited a Dalit family in Peretapalli in Nalgonda district in 2017 with a troop of media persons? According to reliable sources Shah’s food was prepared in the mango orchard of an upper caste landlord in a neighbouring village. Another similar wily act of Shah at West Bengal’s Bankura in 2020 during his visit to a tribal family’s house was disclosed by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. These days, any such gestures by the BJP  are more likely to be staged than genuine. For the BJP-AIADMK alliance in Tamilnadu, this election has been a combination of ‘ache din aane wale hai’ promises or DMK pummelling and new Rahul Gandhi bashing. Many a time, they were confused as to which approach should take primacy. With Rahul’s courage and integrity that I think is the hardest and most demanding kind, I believe that neither line would work to optimum efficacy. 

In every educational institution he visited, Rahul made sure that he infused a confidence in students that they are as qualified as anybody to talk about what is right and just, and trust themselves in that. Without fear, he felt free to describe what he truly thought about a whole range of issues and that’s Rahul for TN. What’s more adorable was that, amidst withering criticism from the BJP, Rahul remained calm and composed even as he discussed different points of power,  levers and fasteners throughout our society that help determine one’s direction- towards real democracy. 

After watching Jallikattu in Madurai, RaGa assured the people of being one with them when it comes to protecting the culture and language of Tamilnadu. Shaking hands, acknowledging smiles and gestures, that was part of how he managed to maintain perspective and take his work seriously, or running for victory seriously, but not take himself too seriously. Rahul Gandhi had a valid point on the sport and he made it only after watching it in person. Yes, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh was Environment minister in 2011 when the Ministry issued a notification banning the use of bulls as performing animals and that will never downplay Rahul’s display of support to farmers. Just so the BJP believes and asserts that the party Supremo can’t be held totally responsible for a minister’s decision or tweet, it would be wise on their part to think at least once before accusing others of double standards. Having discovered its oxygen supply is shut down by voters of TN, BJP seems to be on a desperate search for relevance. It’s attempt to pooh pooh Rahul Gandhi’s charisma should be perceived in this light. There cannot be a better example of duplicity than AIADMK’s claim that their alliance with BJP is only “electoral”. Mr. Chief Minister you can’t sail safe and untroubled with a partner who has a different ideology or destination in mind. 

At the gathering of Micro Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME) representatives in Coimbatore, RaGa’s solidarity was unmistakable. People await a restructured/ reconceptualised Goods and Services Tax (GST) and ‘one tax, minimum tax’. From Skill India, Digital India, Make in India, Atmanirbhar [Bharat], entrepreneurs ended up nowhere which means out of 7.5 crore small entrepreneurs, almost 30% of enterprises are dead. After ruling for 7 years in succession, the BJP is expecting the voters to swallow two things: One, economic reforms and two, it’s image of being pluralistic. Tamilnadu rejects both. Accusing the present ruling party of superimposing the GST, RaGa made it clear BJP’s GST is designed to help large businesses. It’s not a secret that the affluent have creamed off reforms that the Modi government has implemented so far. Therefore Mr. Prime Minister, what kind of economic reforms and for whom? 

Cameras have a way of capturing what a thousand words cannot. TN has seen and heard Rahul like never before. As far as the people of TN are concerned, Rahul is the much needed fillip to our ailing democracy. Unlike BJP-AIADMK leaders whose proclamations underline that they are not willing to be active participants in any questioning of the principles underlying farm laws, poverty, corruption, alcohol prohibition or human rights and possible impact upon a highly unhealthy and unequal society, Rahul is willing to rectify failures/ shortcomings and reform government-a long overdue task. Above all, Rahul admits all pogroms and riots are wrong and he never hesitates to apologize unconditionally if need be. 

Rape, harassment and other forms of violence against women appear to have risen in India and more so blatantly after the ruling government and it’s allies make every effort at moral policing. The audacity of blaming victims stems from the fact that BJP considers Manusmriti as a source of law for women issues. DMK that rests on the dravidian ideology that educating and uplifting women will bring social balance and growth will undoubtedly fare better with Congress by its side. ‘Bharat Mata’ as an appellation will be justified if women of all states rise and shine. May the sun rise from the beautiful south and throw some light on other parts of India as well. 

Eventually, a vigorous and vigilant government is the sine qua non of a healthy democracy. And I guess Tamilians know it better. 

Dear Rahul, as you know women’s welfare and safety is a concern and much more work remains. Women are capable of creating history and a promising future with formidable grace, for sure. But ‘don’t let anyone stop you’. 

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