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contraceptives

By Atulendra Rathour

The Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Act, 2021 has become operative from the 24th of September 2021. The amendment alters the parent legislation i.e., Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 (MTP Act 1971) which provides a legal framework regarding abortions in India. The amendment increases the gestation limit for abortions by amending Section 3 of the act. The Amendment act further widens the ambit of the legislation by replacing “any married woman or husband” with “any woman or her partner”. This piece of writing is an attempt to draw a parallel between the Amendment act and the restrictive women’s reproductive autonomy. 

Abortion in India is a penal offense under Section 312 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (IPC, 1860) which provides imprisonment for three years. The MTP Act, 1971 provides with certain exceptions under which a woman can undergo pregnancy termination while escaping liability prescribed in IPC, 1860. With the Amendment Act, the gestation period has increased up to 24 weeks from 20 weeks. The woman can undergo an abortion within this period with the advice of medical practitioners. 

The Amendment Act is praiseworthy but still fails to regard woman’s reproductive autonomy. Instead of being a “right-based legislation” the act ends up being a “Doctor centric legislation”. Opinion of Medical Practitioner remains mandatory to undergo abortion as stated in Section 3. This infers that even if a woman wants to undergo an abortion she can’t if Medical Practitioners are of a contravening opinion. Additionally, vulnerable groups such as Sex Workers fall outside the scope of legislation as “Partner” remain a decisive factor, hence restricting their rights. 

The amendment seeming progressive fails to regard the precedent set by the landmark Puttaswamy Judgment in which the Hon’ble Supreme Court recognized that the ‘Right not to Procreate’ forms a part of Rights provided under Article 21 of the Constitution. The Hon’ble Supreme Court in Suchitra Shrivastava v. Chandigarh Administration observed, “There is no doubt that a woman’s right to make a reproductive choice is also a dimension of ‘Personal liberty as understood under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. It is important to recognize that reproductive choices can be exercised to procreate as well as to abstain from procreating… there should be no restriction whatsoever on the exercise of reproductive choices such as Woman’s right to refuse participation in sexual activity or alternatively on the insistence on use of contraceptives method.

Other than this, health infrastructure followed by orthodox society possesses a serious challenge to the provisions of the amendment. India ranks 145 out of 194 countries according to World Health Statistic Report, 2018. NITI Ayog has already informed about the shortage of about 6 lakh Doctors and 20 lakh Nurses. The situation is even more alarming in rural parts; according to Rural Health Statistics Report, there is a shortage of about 80% of Surgeons, Pediatricians, and Physicians, 70% of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. Apart from medical Practitioners, lack of equipment also possesses a serious problem. It would not be surprising to know that India’s Health budget is the fourth lowest in the entire world. 

Conclusively, the amendment act is progressive enough to widen the scope of Women’s reproductive autonomy with regards to abortion by increasing the time limit but still, the autonomy of women is not absolute as the Medical Practitioner has a final say about it. On the other hand, poor health infrastructure further remains a serious concern while undergoing an abortion.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                    

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By Advocate Meenu Padha and Varushi Yadav 

Introduction

It would not be wrong to argue that in India, the concept of human rights was first introduced and systematically institutionalised in 1950 when our country’s Constitution came into force. Many governmental programmes and methods have been created to supplement the rising acknowledgement of an individual’s rights, and the human rights movement has witnessed significant progress and success.

In India, the issue of reproductive rights remains uncertain. While the importance of both men and women’s rights to choose and control their own reproductive functions has grown in prominence, the concept’s introduction in India is particularly difficult due to the country’s complex social structures, where procreation is frequently seen as a social expectation and individual rights are often overlooked. Reproductive rights, in a broader sense, have received greater attention in recent years. This is due, in part, to the unwavering efforts of civil society organisations, who have emphasised the importance of international treaties in the Indian context.

Experts have pointed out that reproductive rights are an intrinsic aspect of human rights in general, as well as our Constitution on a national level, and that India owes them to all its women and those who identify as such. Reproductive rights and a larger human rights framework are mutually interdependent. Reproductive rights receive their meaning and force from long-recognized human rights, just as human rights cannot be realised without championing women’s reproductive rights. However, how the two are combined in practice is unclear. Indeed, explaining to an Indian audience that reproductive rights pertain to everyone, regardless of age or marital status, is a tough notion to grasp. It’s no surprise, then, that reproductive rights have yet to be fully established, despite the fact that they are an inalienable component of every human being.

Miserable Condition That We Need To Be Aware Of

In India, one woman dies every 15 minutes during pregnancy and childbirth due to lack of healthcare. Despite the fact that India legalised abortion over five decades ago, access is highly limited, and one woman in India is believed to die every three hours as a result of unsafe abortion. Despite national legislation prohibiting the marriage of girls under the age of 18, India continues to have the highest number of child weddings; and despite regulations and initiatives ensuring women’s maternal healthcare, India is responsible for 20% of all maternal deaths worldwide. Several states have established coercive population policies that bar families with more than two children from assistance programmes, government jobs, political engagement, and access to education and health care – all without ensuring that couples have access to a full range of contraceptive treatments.

Furthermore, Indian women face one of the world’s highest rates of HIV/AIDS infection and discrimination if infected, as well as forced abortions of female foetuses, trafficking for forced prostitution, custodial rape in government institutions, workplace sexual harassment, and harmful cultural practices that seriously undermine reproductive health. As numerous national and international stakeholders battle to give meaning to essential ideas such as women empowerment, rights, and choice, the right to reproductive health, including abortion, takes on special significance in the Indian context. A woman, for example, should have the freedom to choose whether or not she wants to marry, who she wants to marry, whether or not she wants to have children, how many children she wants to have, and the spacing between them. This is significant because, while both the male and female contribute to procreation, it is the female who is biologically responsible for ensuring the baby’ complete growth.

In the past, India’s reproductive health legislation and policies have failed to embrace a rights-based approach. Simply put, based on the various definitions of reproductive rights, they can be said to include some or all of the following rights: the right to safe and legal abortion; the right to control one’s reproductive functions; the right to access in order to make reproductive choices free of coercion, discrimination, and violence; and the right to access education about contraception and sexually transmitted diseases. The need for us to recognise and address these as rights has become even more apparent in the midst of the pandemic when women have been left to suffer as a result of massive changes in family and social dynamics, disruption in peer support, and a lack of health facilities – because they have not been informed and empowered to demand what is due to them.

According to a new survey issued, over 139 million women and girls in India currently use contemporary contraception techniques. The progress made in family planning over the last eight years is detailed in a study issued by FP2020, a global collaboration that supports the reproductive rights of women and girls.

Reproductive Laws And Rights One Should Be Aware Of

In 2021, the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Amendment Act 2021 was passed with certain amendments in the MTP Act including all women being allowed to seek safe abortion services on grounds of contraceptive failure, increase in gestation limit to 24 weeks for special categories of women, and opinion of one provider required up to 20 weeks of gestation. Abortion can be performed until 24 weeks of pregnancy after the MTP Amendment Act 2021 has come in force by notification in Gazette from 24th September 2021. The government’s public national health insurance funds, Ayushman Bharat and Employees’ State Insurance cover abortion completely, with the package rate for surgical abortion set at Rs 15,500 which includes consultation, therapy, hospital stays, medication, Ultrasonography, and any follow-up treatments. The package rate for medical abortion is Rs1,500 which includes consultation and Ultrasonography. 

Despite the fact that safe abortions are a state-mandated service, only around a quarter of abortions are performed at public health institutions. The majority of public health services in rural areas do not provide safe abortion services due to a lack of resources and equipment. Despite the fact that this law allows women to get safe abortions under specific circumstances, there are still a number of obstacles to overcome.

Covid 19 Impacts On Contraception And Safe Abortion Services

During COVID-19, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW) deemed contraception and safe abortion services to be essential health care. COVID-19, on the other hand, has increased the existing difficulties in obtaining these services. Abortion is a health care service that saves lives and protects the health and well-being of women and girls. Understanding how organizations have adapted their safe abortion care programmes to maintain service delivery while seeking to protect their clients, staff and communities from contracting COVID-19, is vital, Covid-19 has wreaked havoc on many aspects of our lives across the globe, reproductive health and family planning are no exception. Over the last 18 months, access to women’s health care services, including contraception, family planning and abortion, has been severely disrupted. As a result, an estimated two million women have experienced unwanted pregnancies. Furthermore, a survey conducted by the World Health Organization suggested a 68% disruption to family planning and contraceptive services across 105 countries.

Although still reeling from the effects of the sudden pandemic onset, the health system over the last year attempted to adapt to meet the growing need for effective women’s care and foster preparedness. One shining example of this was the sudden rise in the provision and adoption of online teleconsultations and digital resources. Availability and accessibility posed two critical components that needed strengthening in care delivery. With the advent of digitalization in the country, spearheaded by the government’s flagship Digital India initiative, we have advanced every day, reaching women from more remote and far-flung corners of rural India with digital platforms. Due to a decline in in-clinic consults, travel restrictions, and overburdened infrastructure and practitioners, Covid provided a significant obstacle to getting such treatment, adding to existing limits in women’s health — social stigma, misinformation, lack of understanding, and family pressures. The health system was forced to prioritize temporary contraceptives like condoms and the oral contraceptive pill above longer-term choices like intra-uterine contraceptive devices (IUCDs) and sterilization, especially during the first lockdown, which limited the basket of treatment options for women.

Conclusion

The social backdrop in India substantially influences women’s reproductive behaviour, defining the pressures, limits, and options available to them. Gender-biased norms and practices that regulate family matters severely limit women’s ability to exercise their reproductive rights. At a higher level, there are various apparent inconsistencies in how policies are made, services are offered, and how demographic trends and aspirations concerning family size and composition impact contraception and abortion demand. Despite the fact that India was one of the first countries in the world to adopt legal and regulatory frameworks ensuring access to abortion and contraception, women and girls still face major obstacles to fully exercising their reproductive rights – it is time to change that. Let us vow to support and steer reproductive rights on this Human Rights Day, not only because we want healthier women, but also because we want empowered women and girls.

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By Rajesh Singh

कोरोना महामारी के चलते जब सारे शैक्षणिक संस्थान बन्द है तब शिक्षा का जो स्वरूप बदला है, वह ना तो हमारे देश के छात्रों और ना ही छात्राओं के लिए अच्छा है, क्योंकि इसमें ना तो परस्पर क्रिया है और ना ही सहभागिता। यूनेस्को (संयुक्त राष्ट्र शैक्षणिक, वैज्ञानिक एवं सांस्कृतिक संगठन) के अनुसार भारत में लॉकडाउन के कारण लगभग 32 करोड़ छात्र छात्राओं की पढ़ाई रुकी है, जिसमे लगभग 15.81 करोड़ केवल लड़कियां हैं।

कोरोना महामारी से शिक्षण संस्थान मुख्य रूप से स्कूलों के बंद होने से लड़कियों (खासकर ग्रामीण क्षेत्र में रहने वाली) को सबसे ज्यादा नुकसान हुआ है। अब जब स्कूल जाना नहीं तब उन पर घर के कार्यों का बोझ बढ़ा है I हालांकि पहले भी घर के कार्यों में वो अपना योगदान देती थी, परंतु पहले ये होता था कि सुबह स्कूल जाना है, वहां 6 घंटे रहना है, स्कूल से आकर स्कूल का कार्य करना है, इसमें उनका काफी वक्त लग जाता था जिसके चलते उन्हें घर के सारे कार्य नहीं करने पड़ते थे I परंतु अब सुबह से लेकर शाम तक घर का सारा कार्य उन्हें करना पड़ता है I घर में बड़े बुजुर्ग भी ये कहते हैं कि जब स्कूल नहीं जाना तो कम से कम घर के कार्य करने ही सीख जाओ। इसके साथ ही प्राथमिक स्कूल की बच्चियां जिन्होंने अभी स्कूल जाना शुरू किया था, अभी सीखना शुरू किया था,की तरफ किसी का कोई ध्यान नहीं जा रहा, उनका भविष्य अंधकार में धकेला जा रहा है I आमतौर पर जब कोई इंसान कुछ सीखना शुरू करता है तो उसे अभ्यास की ज़रूरत होती है, यदि कोई चीज़ सीखी हो और उसका अभ्यास ना किया जाए तो बहुत जल्दी वो चीज़ भूल भी जाते हैं और बच्चों जिन्होंने अभी अभी सीखना शुरू किया है उनके लिए सीखी हुई चीजों का अभ्यास करना ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण हैI 

परंतु अब जब पिछले 15 महीनों से स्कूल बंद है तब कैसे छोटे बच्चे घर में अभ्यास करें? हो सकता है कि कुछ परिवार अपने बच्चों को प्रतिदिन कुछ पढ़ा कर अभ्यास करवा पाएं पंरतु लगभग 70 फीसदी परिवार ऐसे है जो दिहाड़ी मजदूरी करके अपना और परिवार का पेट पालते हैं, उनके पास इतना वक्त नहीं होता कि वो अपने बच्चों को पढ़ा पाए I इनमे से भी अधिकतर माता पिता खुद अनपढ़ है तो वो कैसे अपने बच्चों को कुछ सीखा पाएंगे और अगर बच्चा लड़की है तो उसपर बिल्कुल ध्यान नहीं दिया जाता I यदि ट्यूशन भी लगाना हो तो आम जन लड़कियों की बजाए लड़कों को ज्यादा तरजीह देते हैं। इसके साथ ही जो लड़कियां कक्षा 9 या 10 में पढ़ती थी उनकी शादियां हो रही है जिससे उन्हें शारीरिक और मानसिक रूप से बड़े बदलाव के दौर में जीना पड़ रहा है।

यूनेस्को की शिक्षा विभाग की सहायक महानिदेशक “स्टेफेनिया गियनिनी” ने पिछले वर्ष कहा था कि इस महामारी के कारण शैक्षणिक संस्थान बंद होना लड़कियों के लिए बीच मे ही पढ़ाई छोड़ने की चेतवानी है। इससे शिक्षा में लैंगिक अंतर जहां और बढ़ेगा वहीं विवाह की कानूनी उम्र से पहले ही लड़कियों की शादी की संभावनाओं से भी इंकार नहीं किया जा सकता है।

सरकार ने हालांकि शिक्षा बिल्कुल ना रुके इसके लिए ऑनलाइन शिक्षा शुरू की, परंतु भारत में पर्याप्त संख्या में ना तो ऑनलाइन शिक्षा के लिए यंत्र हैं और ना ही आम जन के पास इन्हें चलाने की कला। लोकनीति सीएसडीएस ने अपनी 2019 की रिपोर्ट में बताया कि ग्रामीण क्षेत्रो मे केवल 6 फीसदी परिवारों में और शहरी क्षेत्रों में 25 फीसदी परिवारों के पास कंप्यूटर है। और केवल एक तिहाई घरों में ही स्मार्ट फोन है, इसमें भी अधिकतर घरों में एक ही स्मार्टफोन है, जिसे पूरा परिवार प्रयोग करता है, और ये फोन घर के मुख्य व्यक्ति के पास रहता है, वो जब घर होता है तभी बच्चे उसे प्रयोग कर सकते हैं, और बच्चों में भी लड़कियों की बारी लड़कों के बाद में आती है। 

राष्ट्रीय प्रतिदर्श सर्वेक्षण कार्यालय ने अपनी 2017-2018 की रिपोर्ट में कहा था कि भारत में केवल 24 फीसदी परिवारों के पास ही इंटरनेट की सुविधा है। अर्थात् 70 फीसदी परिवारों के पास ना तो कंप्यूटर है ना ही स्मार्टफोन और ना ही इंटरनेट और इसके साथ साथ घरों में ना तो पर्याप्त जगह है जहां पर बैठ कर शांति से बच्चे पढ़ सके और ना ही ऐसा माहौल जिसमे कुछ सीखा जा सके तो इस दौर में ऑनलाइन शिक्षा कैसे सम्भव है? सबसे महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य ये भी है कि ग्रामीण परिवेश में रहने वाले अधिकतर लोगों को सोशल मीडिया चलाना ही नहीं आता I दूसरा जो काम स्कूल द्वारा भेजा जाता है उसे बच्चे समझ ही नहीं पाते कि इसे करना कैसे है, उन्हें बताने वाला कोई नहीं है, और फोन जब शाम को घर आता है तब उसकी बैट्री लगभग खत्म होने को होती है और ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में बिजली भी 24 घंटे उपलब्ध नहीं होती I इस प्रकार ऐसे अनेकों कारण है जिनकी वजह से ग्रामीण बच्चों और खासकर लड़कियों की पढ़ाई छूट रही है। अब उन्हें वापिस मुख्यधारा में लाना अपने आप में एक चुनौती है।

“दिल्ली आईआईटी की प्रोफेसर डॉ. रीतिका खेड़ा ने कहा है कि ऑनलाइन शिक्षा गरीबों के बच्चों के साथ भद्दा मज़ाक है”। 

यूनिसेफ ने प्राथमिक शिक्षा को सबसे ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण व प्रभावशाली बताया है और कहा है कि जब भी लॉकडाउन जैसा कदम उठाना हो तब प्राथमिक स्कूलों को सबसे बाद में बंद करना चाहिए और जब सब कुछ खुलने लगे तो प्राथमिक स्कूलों को ही सबसे पहले खोलना चाहिए। क्यूंकि हम देखते है की घर के बड़े महिला पुरुष अपने अपने कार्यों को करने के लिए बाहर आते जाते रहते हैं इसलिए यदि वायरस आने का उन्हें कोई खतरा नहीं है तो बच्चों को खतरा कैसे हो सकता है। दूसरी सबसे खास बात ये है कि छोटे बच्चों में संक्रमण का खतरा कम है और इसके साथ साथ यदि प्राथमिक स्कूलों को लंबे समय तक बन्द रखा जाता है तो छोटे बच्चे कुछ भी संख्या या शब्दों को सीख नहीं पाएंगे, जिससे आने वाले समय में उन्हें भारी समस्याओं को सामना करना पड़ेगा। परंतु भारत में अब जब सब खुल चुका है तब कक्षा 9 से 12 तक के स्कूल सबसे पहले खुलने शुरू हुए हैं, जबकि होना इसका उल्टा चाहिए था क्यूंकि इन बड़े बच्चों को कम से कम लिखना पढ़ना तो आता ही है इसलिए इनका जितना नुकसान होना था वो हो चुका परंतु छोटे बच्चों का नुकसान तो प्रतिदिन हो रहा है। 

और हम देखें कि यदि छोटी बच्चियों को पढ़ने का अवसर नहीं मिला तो निश्चित रूप से उनकी शादी भी कानूनी उम्र से पहले ही होएगी, उसके बाद उन्हें शारीरिक और मानसिक तनाव का सामना भी करना पड़ सकता है और अनपढ़ता के दौर में शादियों में एक लड़की देके दूसरी लड़की लेने का प्रचलन भी बढ़ने की सम्भावना है। इसलिए सरकार को लड़कियों व उनके भविष्य और एक बेहतर भारत के निर्माण को ध्यान में रखते हुए सारे शिक्षण संस्थान खोल देने चाहिए और ऑफलाइन शिक्षा पुन: शुरू करनी चाहिए क्योंकि कोई भी देश लड़कियों को मुख्यधारा में शामिल किए बिना ना तो अपना विकास कर सकता है और ना ही वहां सभ्य समाज का निर्माण हो सकता है।

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By Sayan Dasgupta

The red and the black earth of Bharat carries with it a myriad of stories. From birth of civilization to fall of empires; the crowning of monarchs to the johar of valiant. In this narration of history, we often tend to neglect the queer tints, away from the maddening crowd of heteronormativity. It was August 11th of 1992 in ITO area of Delhi, when the first voice against exclusion and persecution was raised. 

Prima facie, the provision of Section 377 of IPC may not appear to name any community or class and create classification. However, at the hands of police, it assumed the shape of normalised discrimination and daylight harassment. The Delhi police on August 11th, 1992 started apprehending men from Connaught Place on the ‘suspicion’ of being gay. This did not sit well with the activists of AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan (ABVA). ABVA has been a pioneer and a hero for the queer community being the harbinger for rights against discrimination and equal protection of the LGBTQIA+ persons. Its first known involvement was in 1989 protesting against forcible testing of HIV status amongst women of red-light districts by AIIMS and ICMR with the assistance of police. They argued for humane treatment and rehabilitation for HIV positive persons and better contraceptives like condoms etc. 

The protest of 1992 was along the similar lines. They blockaded the entrance to the police headquarter in ITO area of Delhi and were later joined by several women’s rights and human rights organisations. The shining beacon that it was did not fruition into any outcome. However, this was the first protest for LGBTQIA+ rights. ABVA two years later initiated a movement in the Tihar Jail to provide free access to condoms considering high incidence of sodomy and participation of almost 2/3rd prison population in homosexual relations increasing probabilities of spread of HIV. Kiran Bedi, the then Inspector General of Prisons vehemently denied the proposition arguing that it would be a tacit acceptance that such relations were in vogue; and primarily would encourage such relations. Bedi decided a contrarian route to deal with the “menace of homosexuality” as she called it, by mandatory forced testing of the inmates and segregating the HIV-positive inmates.

This state-sponsored discrimination was rooted in the baseless fear of HIV and unequal affording of the right to privacy based on sexuality. ABVA filed a writ petition seeking to test the validity of this step and also subject Section 377 to judicial review for constitutional validity in Delhi HC. The petition however was unsuccessful insofar as the challenge to 377 of IPC is concerned.

However, it is interesting to note the first-ever judicial decision by a US Court on LGBTQIA+ rights at this juncture. While it is the 29th anniversary of the first protest for queer rights in India, it is also the 39th anniversary of the first written judicial decision of the US jurisprudence on rights of persons living with HIV. Much ahead of its time, the case of LaRocca v. Dlasheim (67 N.Y.S.2d 302 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1983)) decided by a New York Court issued a ruling in favour of persons with a positive status. Similar to the aforementioned circumstance, the case was instituted by persons incarcerated in state prisons who did not want to be in the vicinity of HIV+ individuals. The arguments derived its rationale from stereotypes and irrational fear praying for a complete segregation and insufficiency of a separate ward. The Court relied on science and not conjecture and held that such unfounded irrational fear (even if honest) cannot be grounds for state discrimination. Such rights of struggle towards the state declared innuendo are plenty. On further observation, it is an obvious conclusion that queer identity is a menace. It is a menace to the status quo, heteronormativity, a lack of nuanced discourse and intolerance towards the different. Queer identity has never been anything but political; riddled with oft ignored rebellions, struggles and frustration. Regardless, India is also laced with narrations of gender fluidity and queer history. The Shatapatha Brahmana (2.4.4.19) appreciates the romantic story ensconcing the two halves of the moon; Varuna, the waxing one; and Mitra, the waning one. The two long for each other and find union on the new moon night. It is believed that they promenade in the celestial skies, and Mitra implants his seed in Varuna, and when the moon wanes, that waning is a product of his seed. Kama Sutra (2.9.36) and the tale of Shikhandi even recognised same-sex marriages. While the fate of struggle plays out, the historical narrations of this land provide poetic justice.

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“They slipped briskly into an intimacy from which they never recovered” – F. Scott Fitzgerald

The Covid-19 pandemic and the lockdowns which followed thereafter, has essentially led to several partners being quarantined at home. While this has been a wonderful time for cohabiting couples to connect with each other, several questions have been raised with regards to the safety of this intimacy.

Veering between social distancing and close cohabitation, many thousands of couples are rediscovering each other as cities and towns across the country go into lockdown. However, with this increased intimacy, many pharmacies as well as e-commerce sites have reported rising sales of condoms and contraceptive pills. While social media is abuzz with jokes and memes, some experts are concerned about the impact this could have on the sexual and reproductive health of women. During the initial days of the pandemic, the spike in sales of condoms and contraceptives were attributed to hoarding, dispelling the myth that couples were getting more intimate. Eventually, there was a marginal dip in sales but the lack of free movement of goods globally, has led to severe shortage of condoms and contraceptives. There is a real risk and grave threat that some of the supply chains are going to be broken and that there might be more stockouts and shortages in the months ahead.

According to a recent report by United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the number of women unable to access contraception, experiencing unintended pregnancies and facing gender-based violence has skyrocketed as the COVID-19 pandemic continues.

“This new data shows the catastrophic impact that COVID-19 could soon have on women and girls globally,” Dr. Natalia Kanem, UNFPA Executive Director said in a press release. “The pandemic is deepening inequalities, and millions more women and girls now risk losing the ability to plan their families and protect their bodies and their health.”

The data released by UNFPA, the UN’s sexual and reproductive health agency, predicts that over 47 million women could lose access to contraception, resulting in 7 million unplanned pregnancies if the lockdown continues for six months.
The World Health Organization this month said two-thirds of 103 countries surveyed between mid-May and early July reported disruptions to family planning and contraception services.

Unintended pregnancies can occur among women of all incomes, educational levels, and ages. Negative outcomes associated with unintended pregnancy include delays in initiating prenatal care, reduced likelihood of breastfeeding and increased risk of maternal depression and parenting stress.
A surge in teen pregnancies was reported in Kenya, while some young women in Nairobi’s Kibera slum resorted to using broken glass, sticks and pens to try to abort pregnancies, said Diana Kihima with the Women Promotion Center. Two died of their injuries, while some can no longer conceive.
Due to limited availability of surgical abortion services, particularly in rural areas, and barriers on availability of medical abortion drugs at chemists, many women may be forced to resort to unsafe providers, risking their health and lives during the lockdown period.

In parts of West Africa, the provision of some contraceptives fell by nearly 50 percent compared to the same period last year, said the International Planned Parenthood Federation.
“I’ve never seen anything like this apart from countries in conflict,” said Diana Moreka, a coordinator of the MAMA Network that connects women and girls to care across 16 African countries. Calls have increased to their hotlines, including those launched since the pandemic began in Congo, Zambia and Cameroon. More than 20,000 women have called since January.

The Women’s Health forecast has published some alarming statistics: There has been a 10% drop in Reproductive Healthcare. 49 million more women do not access to contraception which could lead to 15 million more unintended pregnancies, 168000 more newborn deaths, 28,000 more maternal deaths and 3 million more unsafe abortions.

Family Planning efforts has been upended by the Coronavirus pandemic. Health experts fear irreparable harm has been done to India’s already struggling family planning efforts. Many women are no longer receiving potentially life-saving services that can help them make informed choices about delaying, preventing, and spacing pregnancies. V.S. Chandrashekar, Chief Executive Officer at the Foundation for Reproductive Health Services India (FRHS), said, “Live births may actually be higher since access to abortion is impacted during the lockdown. Women with unintended pregnancy may be forced to carry their pregnancy to term, since they may not have access to abortion care.”
In the Indian context, an analysis of HMIS data by Population Foundation of India shows that during the months of national lockdown last year between April and June, compared to the same period in 2019, there was a 27% drop in pregnant women receiving four or more ante-natal check-ups, a 28% decline in institutional deliveries and 22% decline in prenatal services.

The failure of the health system to cope with COVID-19 pandemic resulted in an increase in maternal deaths and stillbirths, according to a study published in The Lancet Global Health Journal. The impact on pregnancy outcomes high on poorer countries, says the study. Overall, there was a 28% increase in the odds of stillbirth, and the risk of mothers dying during pregnancy or childbirth increased by about one-third. There was also a rise in maternal depression, impacting the child’s health. COVID-19 impact on pregnancy outcomes was disproportionately high on poorer countries, according to the study published.

Many routine and elective services have already been postponed or suspended by both Government and private setups in most parts of the world because of the unprecedented pandemic of COVID-19. Healthcare systems everywhere in the world are under pressure. Being a component of essential health services, family planning and abortion services should continue to cater the population in order to prevent the complications arising from unintended pregnancies and sudden rise in STIs.

When health systems are overwhelmed, countries need to make difficult decisions to balance the demands of responding directly to COVID-19, while simultaneously engaging in strategic planning and coordinated action to maintain essential health service delivery. The provision of many services will become more challenging. Women’s choices and rights to sexual and reproductive health care, however, should be respected regardless of COVID-19 status.

While the lockdowns imposed across the globe due to the Covid-19 pandemic has caused immeasurable damage to mankind, the the differential impact it has had on the sexual and reproductive health of women needs immediate attention. The “Baby Boom” in the United States should be a gentle reminder of the potential problems which might arise if sufficient attention is not paid to the sexual and reproductive health of women. The coming year may well bring a baby boom few can afford, along with a dangerous increase in unsafe abortions. It’s high time the world took note and made necessary amends.

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The Womb is an e-platform to bring together a community of people who are passionate about women rights and gender justice. It hopes to create space for women issues in the media which are oft neglected and mostly negative. For our boys and girls to grow up in a world where everyone has equal opportunity irrespective of gender, it is important to create this space for women issues and women stories, to offset the patriarchal tilt in our mainstream media and society.

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