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dalit

राजेश ओ.पी.सिंह

एक अध्ययन के मुताबिक कूड़ा बीनने वालों में 80 फीसदी संख्या महिलाओं की है और ये सब महिलाएं दलित समुदाय से सम्बन्ध रखती है, जैसे कहा जाता है कि सारे दलित तो सफाई कर्मचारी नहीं है परन्तु सभी सफाई कर्मचारी दलित ही है। भारत में कोई महिला या पुरुष अपने काम की वजह से सफाई कर्मचारी नहीं है बल्कि वह अपने जन्म के कारण सफाई कर्मचारी है, भले ही वह ये काम करना चाहती/चाहता हो या नहीं । यहां यह सब जाति और पितृसत्तात्मक सोच के कारण है।

आधुनिकता व तकनीक से परे कूड़ा बीनना आज भी देश का सबसे कम वेतन वाला और सबसे ख़तरनाक काम है, जिसमे लगभग 600 सफाई कर्मचारी प्रतिवर्ष मृत्यु को प्राप्त होते हैं।

सफाई करने वाली महिलाओं में लगभग 39 – 41 फीसदी वो महिलाएं हैं जिनके पति सफाई करते समय मर गए, उनके देहांत के बाद इन्हें अपने पति के स्थान पर बड़ी मुश्किलों से ये नौकरी मिली हैं । इन महिलाओं में केवल 0.03 फीसदी महिलाओं ने ही 10वीं तक की पढ़ाई की है। जब इन्हें नौकरी पर रखा जाता है तो क्या नियम व शर्तें होएंगी इसके बारे में इन्हें अनपढ़ता की वजह से कुछ भी जानकारी नहीं दी जाती और इससे इन महिला सफाई कर्मचारियों से कम वेतन पर ज्यादा घंटे काम करवाया जाता है। जिसका इनके स्वास्थ्य और परिवार पर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पड़ता है।

सफाई करने वाली महिलाओं का जीवन विभिन्न चुनौतियों को एक साथ झेलता हुआ चलता है, सबसे पहले इन महिलाओं को नौकरी करने के साथ साथ अपने घर के सारे काम करने पड़ते है वहीं दूसरी तरफ घर की आजीविका भी इन्हे ही चलानी होती है,और बच्चों को पालना ,उनका ध्यना रखना ये सब कार्य भी इन्हे करने पड़ते हैं। क्यूंकि अधिकतर महिलाओं के पति या तो मर चुके होते हैं या फिर जो जीवित होते हैं उनमें से लगभग सभी के सभी अपनी कमाई का 65-70 फीसदी हिस्सा शराब व अन्य नशों में खर्च कर देते हैं ,इसलिए परिवार की सारी जिम्मेदारियां महिलाओं पर ही रहती है।

इंडियन एक्सप्रेस की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक कोरोना काल में दिल्ली नगर निगम में मरने वाले कुल 94 कर्मचारियों में आधे से ज्यादा संख्या (49) सफाई कर्मचारियों की है। अब इन परिवारों में सारी जिम्मेवारियां घर की महिलाओं पर आ गई है अब या तो इस काम को वो खुद करेगी या फिर उनके बच्चे। यदि वो खुद करना शुरू कर देती है तो निश्चित रूप से बच्चों पर ध्यान देना उनके लिए बहुत मुश्किल होगा, इस से बच्चों का पढ़ाई छोड़ना और अन्य कार्यों में संलिप्त होने की सम्भावना ज्यादा है या यदि बच्चे अपने पिता के बाद सफाई का काम शुरू करते है तो निश्चित रूप से उनकी पढ़ाई रुक जाएगी। ये व्यवस्था बहुत लंबे समय से चली आ रही है, अब इसमें सुधार होना चाहिए क्योंकि बिना किसी सुधार के इनकी आने वाली पीढ़ियां भी अनपढ़ रह कर इसी काम में संलिप्त रहेगी। हालांकि सरकार ने कोरोना में मरने वाले इन सफाई कर्मचारियों के परिवार को एक एक करोड़ रुपए और एक नौकरी देने का वादा किया है परन्तु ये अभी एक दो लोगों को ही मिला है। 

अब प्रश्न ये उठता है कि इतनी बड़ी संख्या में सफाई कर्मचारियों कि आकस्मिक मृत्यु क्यों हुई? इसके पीछे सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कारण ये है कि कोरोना के समय में जब हम सब लोग घरों में बैठे थे, तब इन सफाई कर्मचारियों को अपना जीवन दांव पर लगाकर प्रतिदिन सफाई करने के लिए घरों से निकलना पड़ रहा था, वहीं 93 फीसदी सफाई कर्मचारियों ने माना कि सरकार की तरफ से उन्हें ना तो मास्क मिले, ना सेनेटाइजर और ना ही पीपीई किट। प्रोटेक्शन के बिना कार्य करते हुए कोरोना संक्रमण ने इन्हे अपनी चपेट में ले लिया जिस से बड़ी संख्या में इन्हे अपने जीवन से हाथ धोना पड़ा है। 

टाटा इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ सोशल साइंस ने एक रिपोर्ट में दावा किया है कि सामान्य तौर पर एक सफाई कर्मचारी की मृत्यु 60 वर्ष की उम्र से पहले ही हो जाती है, अर्थात सफाई कर्मचारियों कि औसत उम्र 60 वर्ष से कम है। इसके पीछे मुख्य कारण ये है कि सफाई के क्षेत्र में आधुनिकता के समय में भी तकनीकों का अभाव है और इसके साथ साथ सफाई कर्मचारी को अपने पूरे जीवन गंदी हवा में सांस लेना पड़ता है, ऐसे क्षेत्र जहां से आम महिला या पुरुष गुजरे तो भी उन्हें अपनी नाक बंद करनी पड़ती है, परंतु उस बदबूदार जगह पर इन सफाई कर्मचारियों का जीवन गुजरता है। गन्दी हवा में सांस लेने से इन्हे सांस के अनेकों बीमारियों से संक्रमित होना पड़ता है। इसके साथ साथ हमने पाया है कि प्रत्येक शहर या गांव के किसी कोने में इन लोगों को झुगी झोंपड़ियों में अपना जीवन व्यतीत करना पड़ता है, जहां पर ना तो पानी की व्यवस्था होती है, ना बिजली की और ना ही शौचालयों की। गन्दा पानी पीने से इन्हे फेफड़ों और पथरी की समस्या से जूझना पड़ता है। शौचालय ना होने कि वजह से इन्हें घंटो घंटो तक प्राकृतिक दवाब की रोकना पड़ता है, जिस से पेट की बीमारियों का खतरा निरन्तर बना रहता है। इन कर्मचारियों में महिलाओं की स्थिति और भी ज्यादा नाज़ुक है ,क्यूंकि इन्हे ज्यादा कार्य करने की वजह से व सही खान पान ना होने से और काम उम्र में शादी और मां बन जाने से इनके शरीर में कमजोरी रहती है, जिस से ये बहुत कम उम्र में ही बूढ़ी और असहाय दिखने लगती है। 

जिन महिलाओं के पति नहीं है उन्हें अपने दिन के लगभग 16 से 18 घंटे कार्य करना पड़ता है। एक सफाई कर्मी महिला सुबह 5 बजे उठ कर खाना बना कर काम पर निकल जाती है जहां सात बजे से दस बजे तक सफाई करने के बाद 10.30 बजे तक घर पहुंचती हैं इसके बाद घर की सफाई, कपड़े धोना, दोपहर का खाना, नहाना आदि में उन्हें 4 बज जाते हैं, इसके बाद कुछ शाम को भी सफाई करने जाती है तो उन्हें कम से वापिस आकर रात का खाना बनाने में 9 बज जाते है और 11 बजे तक सब काम निपटा कर सो पाती हैं, इस थकान भरे दिन में वे अपने बच्चों और खुद के स्वास्थ्य का बिल्कुल ध्यान नहीं रख पाती और उसका नुकसान उनकी पूरी पीढियों को भुगतना पड़ रहा है।

इसके लिए सरकार द्वारा कोई विशेष उपबंध और तकनीकों का प्रबन्ध करने की आवश्यकता है ताकि इन सफाई कर्मचारियों की स्थिति में सुधार आए और इनके बच्चे स्वस्थ रह सकें और उन्हें किसी मजबूरी में पढ़ाई ना छोड़नी पड़े।

Image Courtesy: BBC

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By Mehreen Mander

Renowned researcher, scholar in Dalit studies and human rights activist, Dr. Gail Omvedt passed away on August 24, 2021 aged 81 in her village Kasegaon in Sangli, Maharashtra. 

Omvedt was born in Minneapolis, US and came to India in the 1970s to study caste and Mahatma Phule’s Satyashodhak Movement as a part of her doctoral research. She later decided to settle in India and became associated with various social issues. She married Bharat Patankar, son of freedom fighter Indumati Babuji Patankar, and has a daughter Prachi with him.

Omvedt was US-born sociologist, known for her pioneering work in the field of caste studies. She has published twenty-five books which deal with various topics like Dalit politics, women’s issues, political economy among others, and include titles such as Dalits and Democratic revolution, We Will Smash This Prison, Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India. As a Phule-Ambedkarite, her contributions to Dalit movement are invaluable. She co-founded the Shramik Mukti Dal along with her husband Bharat Patankar, a Marxist scholar and activist. This organization is concerned with addressing problems of farmers, and the issues relating to displacement caused by development projects, droughts etc.

Many including Maharashtra Chief Minister Udhhav Thackeray, Dalit rights organizations are mourning the irreparable loss caused by her demise.

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By Dheeraj Diwakar

“I measure the progress of a community by the degree of progress which the women have achieved.”

  • Dr. B.R. Ambedkar

Introduction

In 2004, Columbia University released a list of the world’s best top 100 scholars, and the list was topped by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. He made enormous efforts to make sure that society follows a path of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. The same can be witnessed from his various writings and speeches.

The concept of caste is so deep-rooted in Indian society that whenever the name of Dr. Ambedkar comes up, the first image of him is that of a messiah of Dalits. But what a lot of people don’t know about Dr. Ambedkar is his fight for women’s empowerment and his pursuit of gender equality in all dimensions of national and private life. This short piece aims to highlight some of the main achievements and endeavours of Dr. Ambedkar for women’s equality in India 

Ambedkar And Women’s Rights In Pre-Independence Era

Dr. Ambedkar was aware of the miserable conditions of women. He believed that women are the worst sufferers of the oppressive, caste-based, and rigid hierarchical social system. His main effort was to liberate Indian women from various social and religious ties and provide access to necessities which they were deprived of i.e., Education and Inheritance rights. He regarded education as the only tool for the emancipation of women. On 20 July 1942, while addressing the second All India Depressed classes women’s conference he said, “I shall tell you a few things which I think you should bear in mind. Learn to be clean; keep free from all vices. Give education to your children. Instill ambition in them. Inculcate in their minds that they are destined to be great. Remove from them all inferiority complexes.

Ambedkar’s approach towards women was completely different from other social reformers i.e. Mahatma Gandhi, Jyotiba Phule, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar who tried to reform without questioning the social hierarchical order. 

In the early days of 1928, a women’s conference was established in Bombay with Ramabai (Ambedkar’s Wife) as its President. About 500 women participated in Kalram Temple’s entry Satyagraha at Nasik in 1930. The number swelled up to 3000 women participating in the historic Mahad Satyagraha. He believed that family planning measures for women should be taken. In 1942, while serving as a labor minister of the executive council of governor-general he introduced a Maternity Benefit Bill. The bill aimed to provide maternity leave to women workers. In his journals i.e. Mooknayak and Bahiskrit Bharat, he made sure that the issues related to women get an equal place in it. 

Hindu Code Bill

Hindu Code Bill is one of the most important initiatives made by Dr. Ambedkar to improve the miserable condition of women. Being the first Law Minister of independent India on February 24th, 1949, he took an initiative and introduced the draft of the Hindu Code Bill in the Constituent Assembly. The bill aimed to release women from various social bondages created by the Hindu social order. The proposed legislation seeks to provide women with the Right to property and other legal rights which were prohibited by the Manu law. The Bill aimed to put men and women in equal places in terms of legal status. He argued that the ideals enshrined in the Bill have their origins in the Indian Constitution which promotes equality. The Bill was first delayed by the parliamentarians and was later rejected leading to Ambedkar giving his resignation from the post of Law Minister. 

He introduced four Acts that were also incorporated in the Hindu Code Bill. The acts improved the conditions of women and strengthened their position. The list of Acts along with important provisions for women are as follows:

Hindu Marriage Act 1955: Section 5 of the Act increases the legal age of marriage for girls to 18 years. Section 17 of the Act provides punishment for bigamy. Provisions related to alimony and permanent maintenance have been provided in Section 25 of the act. 

Hindu Succession Act 1956: Section 8 of the Act empowers the widow to adopt Son or Daughter. Section 14 ensures that the property of women will be her absolute property. Further, section 15 of the act makes sure that there would be a uniform succession to the property of a Hindu Female who dies intestate. 

The Adoption and Maintenance Act 1956: Under Section 8 of this act, widows are empowered to adopt children. Earlier under Hindu law, they were not entitled to do so. Before this act came into force, daughters could not be adopted. Section 9 of the act makes it compulsory that the wife shall be consulted while carrying on any adoption. 

The Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956: Section 6(a) ensures that in case of custody if the child has not completed the age of five then the custody lies with the mother. Under 6(b), if the child has been born out of an illegitimate relationship, then the first natural guardian would be mother and then father. The act also empowers the mother to change a guardian of a child who has been appointed by the father. 

Constitutional Provisions

Dr. Ambedkar worked as a Chairman of the Drafting Committee and is regarded as the Father of the Indian Constitution. In many of his speeches in the Constituent assembly, he debated for equal rights for women. His approach towards women’s rights played a significant role in ensuring that Women’s rights find a special place in the Indian Constitution. Some of the important constitutional provisions protecting women’s rights are,

Article 14: This article ensures equality for all citizens irrespective of Gender, Caste, Creed, Religion, and race. 

Article 15: This article prohibits discrimination on the grounds of Religion, Gender, Caste, Creed, and Race. 

Article 16: This article says that there shall be an equality of opportunity in Public Employment. 

Article 23: This article prohibits Human Trafficking and Bonded Labour. 

These were some important provisions related to women. Apart from them, many other articles protect the rights of women i.e. Article 39(a) and (d), Article 42, Article 51A(e), Article 243D(3), Article 243T(3), and Article 243T(4). 

Conclusion

Even in the 21st Century, the issue of gender inequality still finds its deep roots in Indian society. The condition was more critical in the pre-independence era and the early parts of post-independence. It was Dr. Ambedkar and some other handful of social reformers who came forward to lessen the plight of age-old sufferers i.e., Women. Interestingly, when the Hindu Code Bill was to be introduced by Ambedkar, numerous women opposed the Bill. The efforts made by Ambedkar with regards to Women’s equality haven’t been much recognized or if recognized get faded because of the title he carries i.e., Liberator of Dalits. 

Author: Dheeraj Diwakar

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Author: Radhika Ghosh

On 1st August 2021, a 9-year-old Delhi girl was found to be allegedly raped, murdered and cremated without her family’s consent. The Delhi Police Crime Branch inspected the spot at the crematorium in Delhi Cantonment.

The incident gained national attention when hundreds of protestors were seen to have gathered and marched holding signs outside the Nangal cremation ground. They demand speedy justice for the minor and death penalty for the accused rapist.

The nine-year-old minor daughter of rag pickers hailing from southwest Delhi went to a crematorium near her house to fetch some drinking water for her father. She never returned. Around 6 pm, her mother was informed that a 55-year-old priest, Radhe Shyam wanted to talk to her. Upon going there, the mother found her daughter lying dead, allegedly all drenched, face paled, wounded all over, and her tongue blue and lips black.

Upon questioning, the priest informed the girl’s mother that the cause of her death was electrocution. When the grief-stricken mother wanted to see her body and inform the police regarding the death, the priest panicked and asked her not to involve the police. He said that the police would take her to the hospital for an autopsy where her organs would be sold off, and a legal case would go on for many years for which the family was not financially equipped.  He rather offered money to stay silent on the matter and asked her to go away. The priest and his associates locked the gates of the crematorium thereafter and convincingly cremated the minor’s body despite her mother protesting. The helpless mother could only sight her daughter’s funeral pyre flames ablaze alone from a distance.

Infuriated neighbours and the girl’s father on reaching the spot later, witnessed the priest confess raping the 9-year-old after which the police took the accused to custody. The Delhi district police arrested the priest, Radhey Shyam (55), and three of his associates namely- Kuldeep (63), Laxmi Narain (48) and Saleem (49). Gang-rape, murder and sexual offences have been registered against the four accused men.

Activists, lawyers, politicians have been visiting their homes intending to console the parents and try hard to fast-track the hearing of the case.

Dalit groups have been facing such atrocities all over the country. Especially sexual offences against women and children. It is not uncommon to see them struggle for justice despite strict anti-rape laws in India. Speculating the recent heinous crimes on the Dalit class of the country, social equality and justice has many years to fight before it sees the light of day.

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By Satakshi Malviya

The Rajput boyfriend brutally murdered his Dalit girlfriend and her family to avoid marriage. After 48 days, five half-rotten bodies were recovered from 10 foot deep pit in a field of Nemawar village in Madhya Pradesh’s  Dewas district, on 29th June, 2021. The family members- Rupali Kaste (21 years), her mother Mamta Bai Kaste (45 years), younger sister Divya Kaste (14 years), her cousins Pooja Oswal (15 years) and Pawan Oswal (14 years) had gone missing from their home in Nemawar since 13th May and two missing complaints were lodged, one by Rupali’s elder sister who lives in Pithampura and other by Pooja’s and Pawan’s mother who lives in Indore. 

The Police arrested seven people involved in this case. Rupali’s boyfriend Surendra Chouhan and his accomplices Karan Korku and Rakesh Nimore are on remand and the other four Vivek Tiwari, Virendra Singh Chouhan, Manoj Korku and Rajkumar Kir have been sent to jail. The police informed that Surendra Chouhan with the help of his companions called Rupali and her family members to his field and brutally murdered them by slitting their throat with a rope and buried them in a 10 foot deep pit, covering their bodies with salt and urea. As in the past Surendra has been spotted at Rupali’s home every other day so as to immune himself from any suspicion, he and his accomplices, soon after the murder used Rupali’s phone to send text messages to create an illusion that she and her family members are alive. 

The police further informed that Surendra had betrayed Rupali and got engaged with someone else and Rupali was unhappy with this as she wanted to marry him. So, out of revenge she has posted some stuff related to Surendra’s fiancé on social media and this enraged Surendra to kill Rupali and her family and to save his future marriage. The police suspects that the girls were raped before their murder as there were no clothes found on the bodies of Rupali and her sisters.

The Adivasi community is outraged by the incident and is demanding quick justice for Rupali and her family. Loving someone and expecting honesty is not a crime. Rupali had never imagined that her love story would be ended this horribly by her own dear lover. In such events, caste identity of the victim should not be overlooked as even now, ‘Dalit’ women suffer such atrocities and are treated as object of mental and physical pleasure. To top it, if the woman belongs to ‘Dalit’ community or so called ‘lower caste’, getting justice is even more difficult. The upper caste men get involve with Dalit women, take sexual pleasure and make fake promises of marriage. When the women, out of innocence and love, actually ask to marry then these men call them impure dirt that cannot be taken home, threaten them, assault them and even kill them. Had Rupali not been a Dalit, would Surendra have dared to do so?

It took forty eight days to find five people and that too dead; this clearly shows the inefficiency of the present administration. However, the demonstration by outraged Adivasi community – blocking Indore-Betul national highway for hours, raising slogans, marching on roads, demanding to hang the accused, seeking justice – led the case to be moved to fast track court, to ensure quick justice for Rupali and her family, at the behest of M.P.’s Chief Minister  Mr. Shivraj Singh Chouhan. Former Chief Minister Kamalnath has demanded CBI enquiry on this case as he suspects that someone acted as a backbone of Surendra Chouhan, which let him to act with such impunity and commit such a gruesome murder of five persons. After sensing the heated temperature of the Adivasi community, authorities demolished the house and shops of the main accused. 

Still, majority of the ‘leaders’ of the State are silent on the subject. Why? If they cannot speak up on a gruesome murder like this – isn’t this a signal enough that for them the life of a Dalit woman and her family is way less precious than the votes of the Rajput community in the state? A close scrutiny will reveal that the top leaders of the both the BJP and Congress party are either Rajputs themselves (same caste as the boyfriend) and or heavily reliant on the Rajput community for votes. 

A further question is – every time such injustice happens to women, why does the discussion become about the caste-communities for politicians? Shouldn’t the Rajput community itself call for strict action if the offences are proved against the accused? Is this injustice only visible to Adivasi community and not to everyone else?

When will this impunity end? I am enraged and so are many of the women. The change is need for this hour. 

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Deeksha Tiwari

“A feminist is anyone who recognizes the equality and full humanity of women and men.”
― Gloria Steinem

Feminism has been around for a while and it has significantly changed the blueprint of the world we live in. Throughout history, there have been several waves of feminism. The article deliberates on the possibility of a new wave that incorporates the best of both worlds : intersectionality and liberalism. 

 The movement began in the 1830s with the focal point being women’s suffrage. Women realised that in order to achieve equality they had to attain a certain amount of political power. This is widely known as the first wave of feminism. The highlight of the first wave was mainly that women received the right to vote.

The second wave began after World War II in the 1960s and lasted till the late 1980s.. Feminists now shifted their focus to sexual and reproductive rights. They fought for autonomy over their bodies and abortion rights and helped in legalising contraception. The second wave also focused on workplace and wage inequality. 

The third wave which began in the early to mid 1990s was headed by women who already had the rights that the previous waves granted them and now wanted it all. They identified the legacy of their predecessors but were also quick in criticizing them and pointing out their limitations. The movement began to radicalize and diversify and spread into mainstream media and pop culture. Women started to reclaim slurs like ‘slut’ and this led to the inception of slutwalks. 

While there are many schools of thought and waves, the core belief of feminism is that women should not be treated as second grade citizens when compared to their male counterparts. Postmodern feminism has reinvented itself into a fourth wave of intersectionality or intersectional feminism- a theory of social justice and feminism that tries to understand inequality and oppression through a multi-dimensional lens.

Civil rights activist Kimberlé Crenshaw has stated on multiple occasions that if we aren’t intersectional, the most vulnerable of the lot are going to fall through the cracks.

In critical theories, intersectionality is a notion used to characterise the ways in which oppressive institutions (racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, xenophobia, classism, etc.) are intertwined and cannot be independently investigated. Intersectional feminism recognises that no individual or identity exists in a vacuum and our individual socio-cultural backgrounds affect the way things like laws and policies affect us. 

When translated into Indian context, it means that Muslim women suffering from the consequences of bigamy, or economically underprivileged women without access to sanitary pads, suffer far more than majority-class women residing in upscale neighbourhoods of metropolitan cities. Second, and maybe more importantly, the evil of caste enters the picture as well. Women from Dalit bahujan communities are oppressed on three levels by men from their own communities, savarna men, and savarna women.

With a simultaneous rise of the liberal feminism movement, many question whether its principles even adhere remotely with the principles of intersectional feminism. While some argue that a fifth wave is on its way, and the two do not gel together, I believe there is more in common than what is apparent. 

Bigotry is possibly the most blatant breach of individualism. So, it is only natural that the first thing that comes to mind when we think of both the movements, is the common condemnation for it. The very core of the liberal feminist movement is the celebration and protection of individuality and a demand for minimum government interference in the process. Ultimately, it is this very belief in individualism that contributes to the dismissal of the idea of gender roles or any other stereotype that restricts individual choice. This involves racial, cultural, and sexual stereotypes and other community stereotypes of individuals. The focus on individuality rather than collectivism makes sure that no individual or minority “falls through the cracks”. 

Jacob Levy draws a one of a kind parallel between the two movements in his essay. He argues that intersectionality is important to explain how a policy or social order can harm individuals defined by their intersectional identities more than those who are not defined by such an intersection. 

Intersectionality only broadens the libertarian outlook further and gives tremendous insights into issues that otherwise tend to be overlooked. For instance, when advocating for open borders, most liberals often focus on the loss of employment caused by closed borders; the theory of intersectionality, on the other hand, focuses on how limits on migration impact doubly marginal groups, such as women of colour. Not only are women of colour deprived of economic opportunities, but they are also left with the strenuous task of raising children with little to no money on their own when it is difficult for a father to be with his family due to migration restrictions. 

A combination of these two, can help resolve the loopholes that exist currently. If there is to be a new wave, it must combine the best of both the worlds. The liberal theory’s regard of individualism and disregard of government oppression and intersectionality’s indispensable insight into the complex structure of various cultures and societies and the multiple levels and layers of oppression; when placed together, give rise to a refined lens to investigate patriarchal oppression. 

Movements are made of people. People have biases. The need of the hour is to unlearn them and I believe intersectionality provides us with the means of doing the same. Feminism still remains restricted to women with unlimited access to resources like the Internet, a free and equitable judicial system, and social aid. It continues to be just another ambiguous and incomprehensible word for women who are either forced to drop out of school to be married off or women who are not allowed to pursue education in the first place. No movement can be completely successful until every individual, even the most oppressed, is liberated. It is like Audre Lorde said, “I am not free while any woman is unfree, even when her shackles are very different from my own”. 

Deeksha Tiwari is currently pursuing her degree in law at NMIMS School of Law, Navi Mumbai. She is a part of Students for Liberty’s first cohort of Fellowship for Freedom in India.

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राजेश ओ. पी. सिंह

बाबा साहेब डॉ. भीम राव अंबेडकर ने कहा था कि “मैं किसी समाज की प्रगति, उस समाज में महिलाओं की स्थिति से नापता हूं” , पंरतु आजादी के सात दशकों के बाद भी हमारे समाज में महिलाओं की स्थिति बहुत दयनीय है और यदि महिला ‘दलित’ है तो उसे दोहरे शोषण का शिकार होना पड़ता है,एक जो सभी महिलाओं पर होता है, दूसरा जो दलित जातियों पर होता है।

भारतीय समाज में हालांकि दलित महिलाओं ने अपना लोहा मनवाया है, बात चाहे राजनीति की करें या प्रशासनिक सेवाओं की या और भी ए श्रेणी के पदों की तो वहां पर दलित महिलाएं अपने संघर्ष के दम पर पहुंची है।

परन्तु क्या इतने बड़े मुकाम हासिल करने के बाद भी इन दलित महिलाओं को जातिगत टिप्पणियों व जलीलता से छुटकारा मिला है? इसका जवाब है नहीं।

क्यूंकि दिन – प्रतिदिन ऐसी घटनाएं हमारे सामने आती रहती है, जहां पर किसी महिला का केवल इसलिए अपमान किया जाता है क्योंकि वह दलित है।

भारत में दलितों की एकमात्र नेता बहन कुमारी मायावती, जिन्हें विश्व की टॉप 10 शक्तिशाली महिलाओं में शामिल किया जाता रहा है, जो एक राष्ट्रीय पार्टी की अध्यक्ष है और चार बार भारत के सबसे बड़े सूबे उत्तर प्रदेश की मुख्यमंत्री रह चुकी है, को भारतीय संसद में एक मनुवादी सोच के पुरुष द्वारा असंवैधानिक और निम्न दर्जे के शब्द कह दिए जाते है,परन्तु उस पर कोई खास कार्यवाही नहीं होती और इसके साथ साथ उसके परिवार को चुनावों में भाजपा द्वारा टिकट भी दिया जाता है ।

वहीं वर्ष 2019 में आंध्र प्रदेश के ‘तांडिकोंदा’ विधानसभा क्षेत्र से दलित महिला विधायक “वुंदावली श्रीदेवी” को एक सार्वजनिक कार्यक्रम में जातिगत शब्दो से अपमानित होना पड़ता है, परन्तु उन स्वर्ण समाज के पुरुषों पर भी कोई कार्यवाही आज तक नहीं की गई।

ऐसी अनेकों घटनाएं दिन प्रतिदिन घटित होती रहती है, नेशनल क्राइम रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो ऑफ इंडिया के आंकड़ों के अनुसार कम से कम 10 दलित महिलाओं के साथ प्रतिदिन बलात्कार होता है, और पिछले दस वर्षों में यह 44 फीसदी तक बढ़ा है। बलात्कार के कुल 13273 मामलों में से दलित महिलाओं के साथ होने वाले बलात्कारों की संख्या 3486 है, जो कि कुल मामलों का लगभग 27 फीसदी है, और ये केवल वे आंकड़े है जो प्रशासन द्वारा दर्ज किए गए है।

एक अन्य रिपोर्ट के अनुसार प्रशासन की जातिगत संकीर्णता, लापरवाही और भ्रष्टाचार की वजह से आधे से ज्यादा मामलों को तो दर्ज ही नहीं किया जाता।

“स्वाभिमान सोसायटी” नामक दलित महिलाओं व अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला अधिकारों की संस्था ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में बताया कि दलित महिलाओं के साथ होने वाली सेक्सुअल हिंसा व अपराध के मामलों में 80 फीसदी अपराध सामान्य और स्वर्ण जाति के पुरुषों द्वारा किए जाते है।

केरल जैसे अग्रणी राज्य में 1971 के बाद 2019 के लोकसभा चुनावों में कोई दलित महिला सांसद नहीं बनी, इस से आसानी से आंदाजा लगाया जा सकता है कि दलित महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व आज भी पुरुष प्रधान समाज में स्वीकार्य नहीं है।

भारत के सर्वश्रेष्ठ शिक्षण संस्थान दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय के एक महिला कॉलेज में दलित सहायक प्रोफेसर को इसलिए क्लास लेने से मना कर दिया जाता है क्योंकि वह दलित है और दलित समाज के लिए समय समय पर अपनी आवाज़ उठाती है।

हालांकि सरकारों ने महिलाओं की स्थिति में सुधार करने के लिए नाममात्र के कार्यक्रम चलाए है और राजनीति में प्रतिनिधित्व देने के लिए स्थानीय सरकारों में एक तिहाई आरक्षण की व्यवस्था करी है, इसके बावजूद महिलाएं आगे नहीं बढ़ पा रही है क्योंकि इन आरक्षित सीटों से महिला को पद तो मिल जाता है परन्तु शक्तियां उनके पति या घर के अन्य पुरुष ही प्रयोग करते है।

राजस्थान जहां भारत में सबसे पहले पंचायती राज व्यवस्था लागू की गई थी, के जालोर जिले में नियुक्त ब्लॉक विकास अधिकारी जो कि एक दलित महिला है, ने पंचायतों में नवनिर्वाचित पदाधिकारियों की एक सभा बुलाई, इस सभा में महिला पदाधिकारियों के साथ आए पुरुषों को दलित महिला अधिकारी ने सभा से बाहर जाने का बोल दिया, बस इतने में ही वहां मौजूद क्षेत्र के पुरुष विधायक भड़क गए और गुस्से में उन्होंने न केवल दलित महिला अधिकारी को डांटा बल्कि साथ में असंवैधानिक शब्दों का प्रयोग करते हुए एक पुरुष अधिकारी को कहा कि “इस महिला को समझा लो वरना मैं इसे रगड़ के रख दूंगा” और विधायक यहीं नहीं रुके और अपने समर्थकों के साथ दफ्तर के बाहर धरने पर बैठ गए। यदि महिला अधिकारी दलित ना होती तो शायद उस पर ऐसी निंदनीय टिप्पणी नहीं होती।

इस घटना पर न तो राजस्थान सरकार ने, न ही राजस्थान के लोक सेवा आयोग ने और ब्लॉक विकास अधिकारी के मुख्य कार्यालय ने भी कोई कार्यवाही नहीं की ।

वहीं बात यदि महिला आयोग की करें तो यहां पर जातीय भेद स्पष्ट रूप से देखने को मिल रहा है, चूंकि महिला आयोग बात तो महिलाओं की करता है परन्तु शर्त ये है कि महिला स्वर्ण जाति से होनी चाहिए।

अर्थात महिला आयोग ने भी इस दलित महिला अधिकारी के साथ हुए अपमानित व्यवहार पर कोई कार्यवाही की मांग नहीं की है।

यदि उपरोक्त संस्थानों और आयोगों द्वारा उचित और दृढ़ कार्यवाही की जाती तो प्रदेश में एक संदेश जाता जिस से मनुवादी स्वर्ण पुरुषों के अमर्यादित व्यवहार पर कुछ हद तक नियंत्रण लगता परन्तु ऐसा नहीं हुआ।

ऐसी घटनाओं से महिलाएं और खासकर दलित छात्राएं जब देखती है कि इतने बड़े ओहदे पर पहुंचने के बाद भी पुरुष और स्वर्ण मनुवादी समाज उन्हें कितनी गिरी हुई नज़रों से देखता है और उनका हर स्तर पर अपमान करने से बाज नहीं आता इससे न केवल उनका मनोबल गिरता है बल्कि उनमें नाकारात्मकता भी पैदा होती है।

इस प्रकार जब सब कुछ दलित महिलाओं के खिलाफ है, कोई भी संस्थान उनके समर्थन में नहीं है तो दलित समाज को इस पर गंभीरता से सोचने की ज़रूरत है कि कैसे ऐसी निंदनीय घटनाओं को रोका जाए और यदि ऐसी घटनाएं होती है तो कैसे सरकार पर उचित कार्यवाही का दवाब बनाया जाए। ताकि दलित छात्राओं में मनोबल बढ़ाया जा सके और उन्हें जागरूक व मजबूत करने के लिए प्रेरित किया जा सके।

अब प्रश्न ये है कि जब हमने हाल ही में अपना 71 वां गणतंत्र दिवस मनाया है, मौजूदा केंद्र सरकार दलितों की हितैषी होने के दावे करती रही है, अम्बेडकर के सपनों का भारत बनाने की बात करती रही है, इसके बावजूद पुरुष प्रधान समाज में दलित महिलाओं की ये स्थिति है, इसके आलावा राजस्थान जैसे प्रदेश में जहां कांग्रेस सरकार महिला सुरक्षा व महिला सम्मान की बातें करती है वहां महिलाओं की स्थिति और भी ज्यादा बुरी है अर्थात इतने दशकों में भी समाज में पुरुषों की प्रधानता जारी है और महिलाओं को आज भी दूसरे दर्जे पर रखा जा रहा है और दलित महिलाओं को स्थिति का अंदाजा तो उपरोक्त अनेकों घटनाओं से लगाया है जा सकता है कि किस स्तर पर उन्हें शोषित और जलील किया जा रहा है।

इस समाजिक समस्या के समाधान के लिए हमें सभी को मिल कर प्रयास करने चाहिए।

Image Credit: https://www.idsn.org

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