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economy

By Pooja Bhattacharjee

Capitalism is an economic system in which means of production are privately owned and the decisions with respect to production (what, how and when to produce) are largely determined by the forces of the free market that are largely based on profits. 

Capitalism structurally oppresses, restricts, and inhibits the access of marginalized individuals, minority communities, and differently abled persons by regulating the opportunities available to them. Based on such structures of inequities, it further exacerbates sexism, casteism, ableism, and racism. The commodification of women’s labour is at its peak, courtesy of the unequal power structures normalized by capitalism. 

Feminism is a socio-economic and political ideology focused on dismantling gender discriminatory structures. It’s about fighting for and creating equality and a good life for everyone, regardless of their sex, gender, race, ethnicity, education, income, religion, or where they live. These goals cannot be achieved in capitalism. Using minority communities and individuals to generate economic and social value in service of reinforcing inequitable social stratification, race and social difference generate economic and social value for feminism when women are lauded for “overcoming” struggles based on gender, race, disability, and so on to fit themselves into a one-size-fits-all notion of feminist progress. 

The focus for improving institutional sexism in the workplace is thus placed upon improving the gender pay gap. Solutions to alleviate the problem have been widely debated and disputed. Some argue that women should be remunerated for their ‘household chores’ (which would hardly serve to de-gender the concept of housework and thus maintains the sexist ideology that is associated with it); others say that working hours need to be more flexible to accommodate working mothers, while yet others argue men should simply help out more at home. Women on average do about twice as much housework as men. All of these arguments have their merits and de-merits but none of them really get to the crux of the issue.  In order to be paid the same as men, we first have to fight the institutional sexism which exists at almost every level of society. 

Many sectors such as automation, information technology and other outgrowths of capitalism are allowing women to compete and win in traditionally male-dominated fields. But observing that some women are quite empowered in capitalism does not imply that the path has been laid and that if we just follow it the goals of feminism will be reached. 

Further, capitalism has set up a system of high working hours for low wages for its labourers and has established a pre-set power role between the owner of the factors of production and the individuals who sell their labour. Given the inherently oppressive and exploitative nature that capitalism entails, and the toxicity that is involved with it, the skewed power relation is only amplified when a woman is selling her labour for which she is paid a wage that significantly undermines the value of contribution made by her. The problems associated with capitalism is particularly biased towards women, there’s always some achievements or standards that they are not meeting, or a role model that capitalism strives them to be. This article achieves to streamline a discussion around the so-called role fulfilment mechanisms which we have become so adept at.   

The Superwoman Effect

Superwoman – though a term associated with women empowerment and celebrates the achievements of women in corporate and on the domestic front, is often misused by capitalism and society to expect sacrifice from women. Gender, class and literature examines the superwoman phenomenon and the impact it has on the women and the stress level which is induced by capitalism. By definition, a superwoman is someone who, ‘takes on the roles of mother, nurturer and breadwinner out of economic and social necessity’.

The superwoman or supermom is associated with a woman who can juggle traditional role expectations associated with being a female and the role and expectations of career advancement and upward social mobility. In her book ‘The Second Stage’ (1981), Betty Friedan describes the superwoman expectation as the double enslavement of women by capitalism since it requires a sacrifice, either at home or work, to be a superwoman.  

Girlboss Culture

Girlboss is similar to Superwoman, it provides an aspirational narrative to the struggles. While it is a good thing to work hard and have dreams and work towards achieving your dreams; the idea of social change projected by capitalism through Girlboss defines the narrow constraints of capital accumulation and its associated preservation of hierarchies and inequities. Girlboss feminism emerges from colonial legacies and structures of power that are predicated on maintaining inequalities based on race, ability and normative gender expression. 

Success is the headliner of girlboss feminism. ‘The Girlboss Platform’, started in 2016, represents the cultural shift toward marketing personality as a component of successful capitalist subjectivities. It uses motivational content by merging personal and professional upgrades to attain success, the personal becomes a vital selling point in girlboss culture. A pattern of desirable personality traits emerges through the platform’s user engagement, highlighting the role of collective intelligence in shaping conceptions of the ideal empowered woman. 

Through these ideas of superwoman and girlboss, capitalism is selling this narrative claiming that anyone can attain wealth, regardless of gender, race, ability and so on – so long as you work hard, think positively and rise above any obstacles thrown at you. By leveraging mediated spaces to perpetuate such aspirational narratives, girlboss feminism naturalizes and obscures the conditions of severe inequality endemic to capitalism. 

In her analysis of beauty and lifestyle bloggers, Brooke Erin Duffy highlights the role of authenticity in capitalism. Duffy notes that authenticity represents the demands for self-promotion created by emotional capitalism, defined by Eva Illouz as ‘the complicated intersections of intimacy and political/economic models of exchange’. Girlboss users respond to emotional capitalism’s norms of engaging what is personal and intimate as modes of profitability. This profitability centres on reinforcing gendered expectations of women’s capacity for expressing vulnerability, pointing to how emotional capitalism operates through structures of gender essentialism. Women are expected to be vulnerable and emotional capitalism engages this norm as an opportunity for extracting value. Through the repetitive selling of their own relatability and authenticity, Girlboss users structure the marketing of personality traits as a key feature of gaining influence. 

Lastly, to overcome sexism it is necessary to combat this system as a whole, rather than focusing specific issues. The whole system must be critiqued and examined. The incredible technological and scientific advances of the past forty years could have been channelled toward dramatically reducing poverty, improving health care outcomes and the ecological sustainability of our production processes and ensuring security in the supply and distribution of clean water, nutritious food, and adequate housing. These are things that all people value. These are also things that would greatly empower women who suffer disproportionately from the lack of these things. 

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The Afghan War

by Guest Author

Pooja Bhattacharjee

Formed in 1994, the Taliban were made up of former Afghan resistance fighters, known collectively as mujahedeen, who fought the invading Soviet forces in the 1980s. They aimed to impose their interpretation of Islamic law on the country and remove any foreign influence. After the Taliban captured Kabul in 1996, the Sunni Islamist organization put in place strict rules where women had to wear head-to-toe coverings, weren’t allowed to study or work, and were forbidden from traveling alone. TV, music, and non-Islamic holidays were also banned.  Though the Taliban remained on the other side of the fence during the US presence in Afghanistan, they quickly invaded all the major Afghan cities at the offset of the US military. 

It’s been over a month since the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan. With half a million people displaced since the withdrawal of the coalition military, millions of people fleeing the country at the onset of the Taliban rule, a collapsing economy and raging unemployment, a possible internet shut down, and major humanitarian crisis at the hands of the interim government composed of terrorists and extremists, stability in Afghanistan is still a far-fetched dream. 

An Uncertain Future For Afghan Women 

Women and children are increasingly bearing the brunt of the violence and continue to be at risk of targeted attacks. Afghan women makeup around half of all civilian casualties. Afghanistan has been the deadliest place for children for the past six years. The Taliban gets to control what women wear, how much they can study, put restrictions on women’s place of work and decide when women will get married. Women in Afghanistan face rising levels of domestic violence, abuse, and exploitation. Women fear to even leave their home under Taliban rule and are barred from leaving home without a male relative. 

Taliban spokesman Suhail Shaheen says the group will respect the rights of women and minorities ‘as per Afghan norms and Islamic values’.  Taliban officials have said women will be able to study and work in accordance with sharia law and local cultural traditions, but strict dress rules will apply. However, a few days ago, they said they would open schools for high school aged boys and male teachers but made no mention of the country’s millions of women educators and girl pupils. Many are questioning how much they would respect women’s rights after this incident.

Education

Over the past 20 years, progress has been made on the number of girls receiving an education in Afghanistan, but over the past few months attacks on schools and villages dramatically increased while international support has slowly withdrawn. It is feared that 1 million children will miss out on education. In July, a group of Afghan schoolgirls shared their fears with an online publication. “As the fighting increases day by day, it’s a concern that we’ll go back in time,” one 15 year old said. 

Amidst the conservative Taliban rule and restrictions on women’s education, Higher Education Minister Abdul Baqi Haqqani, in the Taliban interim government ordered gender segregation  and mandatory hijabs for women in colleges and universities. The plan mentions bisecting classrooms, cubicles with curtains fitted with jaalis, and separate shifts for women and men in schools and universities. For now, most universities have proposed that women be allowed to attend classes from behind curtains or cubicles, or transferred to institutes in provinces they come from. 

Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai, who was shot by a Taliban gunman in Pakistan for advocating for girl’s education, pleaded with the world leaders to not compromise on the protection of women’s rights and the protection of human dignity. In a panel on girl’s education in Afghanistan on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly, Malala emphasized on ensuring the rights of Afghan women are protected, including the right to education. 

Strict Dress Restrictions for Women

Recently, women holding a pro-Taliban rally in Kabul were seen saying Afghan women wearing make-up and in modern clothes “do not represent the Muslim Afghan woman” and “we don’t want women’s rights that are foreign and at odds with sharia” – referring to the strict version of Islamic law supported by the Taliban. These women were seen in black dresses that cover the entire body from top of the head to the ground. 

This was met with a lot of criticism from Afghan women globally, including Mursal Sayas, a master trainer at Afghanistan Human Rights Commission who responded to this incident with, “The fashion statement behind these clothes that cover even the women’s eyes is coercion, bullying and non-recognition of women’s choices and rights.” This was a mutual feeling with a lot of people. 

Afghan women have started a powerful online campaign to protest against the Taliban’s strict new dress code for female students and the burqa worn by women at the pro-Taliban rally. Using hashtags like #DoNotTouchMyClothes and #AfghanistanCulture, many are sharing pictures of their colourful traditional dresses. Women are also protesting about linking chadari or burqa to Afghan women. “Chadari came to Afghanistan during wars with Soviets at the hands of extremists. The main dress of Afghan women is a colorful long gown, with small mirrors and delicate thread work,” Attia Mehraban, a women’s rights activist in Afghanistan said. 

Women Afghan students wore all black during a pro-Taliban rally at a university in Kabul. 

Though there is no indication that the women attending the pro-Taliban rally were forced to wear that clothing nor has the Taliban said that this will become an enforced standard yet, apart from mandatory burqas for women in universities, but it’s just a matter of time till they control this aspect of women’s lives. Images of women on billboards and in shops around Kabul were covered up or vandalised within days of Taliban’s return to the capital. 

In Workplace

The Taliban had promised that its new era will be more moderate, but it has refused to guarantee women’s rights will not be stripped back and many have already faced violence. Last month, Taliban spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid said at a news conference that women should not go to work for their own safety. He added that the Taliban ‘keep changing and are not trained to respect women.’ A senior figure in the Taliban, Waheedullah Hashimi said that Afghan women and men should not be allowed to work together as Sharia law doesn’t allow it. If formally implemented, it would bar women from employment in government offices, banks, media companies, etc. 

At the onset of Taliban rule last month, girls in Kandahar were asked to go home and their male relatives were asked to fill in their positions in the bank. Many other women have been stripped off of their positions at work and their male relatives have been asked to fill in their positions. Taliban officials have held that women will be allowed to work only when proper segregation can be implemented. Many Afghan women fear that they would never find meaningful employment. 

Taliban has also shut down the former government’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs and replaced it with one which enforces religious doctrine. Although still marginalized, Afghan women have fought for and gained basic rights in the past 20 years, becoming lawmakers, judges, pilots, though mostly limited to large cities. But since returning to power, the Taliban have shown no inclination to honor those rights.

Activist Pashtana Durrani warns people to be wary of the promises made by Taliban;

“You have to understand that what the Taliban say and what they are putting in practice are two different things, they are looking for legitimacy from all these different countries, to be accepted as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, but then at the same time, what are they doing in practice?” Ms. Durrani also points out that when the Taliban talk about women’s rights, they talk about them in vague terms: do they mean mobility rights, socialising rights, political rights, their representative rights and/or voting rights? It is not clear whether they mean all or only some of those rights, she says.

Grey clouds cover the Afghanistan sky, the darkness and gloominess represents the country’s future under Taliban rule. Many are worried that their hopes and dreams will be shattered by the Taliban, many have been stripped off their basic rights to freedom & education, the most affected remain the women. They have been banned from working in many major sectors by the Taliban, they cannot be a member of the cabinet and uncertainty hovers over their future and their right to livelihood. There is a state of anxiousness and Afghan women and girls must wait to see what pans out in the course of time.         

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राजेश ओ.पी.सिंह

एक अध्ययन के मुताबिक कूड़ा बीनने वालों में 80 फीसदी संख्या महिलाओं की है और ये सब महिलाएं दलित समुदाय से सम्बन्ध रखती है, जैसे कहा जाता है कि सारे दलित तो सफाई कर्मचारी नहीं है परन्तु सभी सफाई कर्मचारी दलित ही है। भारत में कोई महिला या पुरुष अपने काम की वजह से सफाई कर्मचारी नहीं है बल्कि वह अपने जन्म के कारण सफाई कर्मचारी है, भले ही वह ये काम करना चाहती/चाहता हो या नहीं । यहां यह सब जाति और पितृसत्तात्मक सोच के कारण है।

आधुनिकता व तकनीक से परे कूड़ा बीनना आज भी देश का सबसे कम वेतन वाला और सबसे ख़तरनाक काम है, जिसमे लगभग 600 सफाई कर्मचारी प्रतिवर्ष मृत्यु को प्राप्त होते हैं।

सफाई करने वाली महिलाओं में लगभग 39 – 41 फीसदी वो महिलाएं हैं जिनके पति सफाई करते समय मर गए, उनके देहांत के बाद इन्हें अपने पति के स्थान पर बड़ी मुश्किलों से ये नौकरी मिली हैं । इन महिलाओं में केवल 0.03 फीसदी महिलाओं ने ही 10वीं तक की पढ़ाई की है। जब इन्हें नौकरी पर रखा जाता है तो क्या नियम व शर्तें होएंगी इसके बारे में इन्हें अनपढ़ता की वजह से कुछ भी जानकारी नहीं दी जाती और इससे इन महिला सफाई कर्मचारियों से कम वेतन पर ज्यादा घंटे काम करवाया जाता है। जिसका इनके स्वास्थ्य और परिवार पर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पड़ता है।

सफाई करने वाली महिलाओं का जीवन विभिन्न चुनौतियों को एक साथ झेलता हुआ चलता है, सबसे पहले इन महिलाओं को नौकरी करने के साथ साथ अपने घर के सारे काम करने पड़ते है वहीं दूसरी तरफ घर की आजीविका भी इन्हे ही चलानी होती है,और बच्चों को पालना ,उनका ध्यना रखना ये सब कार्य भी इन्हे करने पड़ते हैं। क्यूंकि अधिकतर महिलाओं के पति या तो मर चुके होते हैं या फिर जो जीवित होते हैं उनमें से लगभग सभी के सभी अपनी कमाई का 65-70 फीसदी हिस्सा शराब व अन्य नशों में खर्च कर देते हैं ,इसलिए परिवार की सारी जिम्मेदारियां महिलाओं पर ही रहती है।

इंडियन एक्सप्रेस की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक कोरोना काल में दिल्ली नगर निगम में मरने वाले कुल 94 कर्मचारियों में आधे से ज्यादा संख्या (49) सफाई कर्मचारियों की है। अब इन परिवारों में सारी जिम्मेवारियां घर की महिलाओं पर आ गई है अब या तो इस काम को वो खुद करेगी या फिर उनके बच्चे। यदि वो खुद करना शुरू कर देती है तो निश्चित रूप से बच्चों पर ध्यान देना उनके लिए बहुत मुश्किल होगा, इस से बच्चों का पढ़ाई छोड़ना और अन्य कार्यों में संलिप्त होने की सम्भावना ज्यादा है या यदि बच्चे अपने पिता के बाद सफाई का काम शुरू करते है तो निश्चित रूप से उनकी पढ़ाई रुक जाएगी। ये व्यवस्था बहुत लंबे समय से चली आ रही है, अब इसमें सुधार होना चाहिए क्योंकि बिना किसी सुधार के इनकी आने वाली पीढ़ियां भी अनपढ़ रह कर इसी काम में संलिप्त रहेगी। हालांकि सरकार ने कोरोना में मरने वाले इन सफाई कर्मचारियों के परिवार को एक एक करोड़ रुपए और एक नौकरी देने का वादा किया है परन्तु ये अभी एक दो लोगों को ही मिला है। 

अब प्रश्न ये उठता है कि इतनी बड़ी संख्या में सफाई कर्मचारियों कि आकस्मिक मृत्यु क्यों हुई? इसके पीछे सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कारण ये है कि कोरोना के समय में जब हम सब लोग घरों में बैठे थे, तब इन सफाई कर्मचारियों को अपना जीवन दांव पर लगाकर प्रतिदिन सफाई करने के लिए घरों से निकलना पड़ रहा था, वहीं 93 फीसदी सफाई कर्मचारियों ने माना कि सरकार की तरफ से उन्हें ना तो मास्क मिले, ना सेनेटाइजर और ना ही पीपीई किट। प्रोटेक्शन के बिना कार्य करते हुए कोरोना संक्रमण ने इन्हे अपनी चपेट में ले लिया जिस से बड़ी संख्या में इन्हे अपने जीवन से हाथ धोना पड़ा है। 

टाटा इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ सोशल साइंस ने एक रिपोर्ट में दावा किया है कि सामान्य तौर पर एक सफाई कर्मचारी की मृत्यु 60 वर्ष की उम्र से पहले ही हो जाती है, अर्थात सफाई कर्मचारियों कि औसत उम्र 60 वर्ष से कम है। इसके पीछे मुख्य कारण ये है कि सफाई के क्षेत्र में आधुनिकता के समय में भी तकनीकों का अभाव है और इसके साथ साथ सफाई कर्मचारी को अपने पूरे जीवन गंदी हवा में सांस लेना पड़ता है, ऐसे क्षेत्र जहां से आम महिला या पुरुष गुजरे तो भी उन्हें अपनी नाक बंद करनी पड़ती है, परंतु उस बदबूदार जगह पर इन सफाई कर्मचारियों का जीवन गुजरता है। गन्दी हवा में सांस लेने से इन्हे सांस के अनेकों बीमारियों से संक्रमित होना पड़ता है। इसके साथ साथ हमने पाया है कि प्रत्येक शहर या गांव के किसी कोने में इन लोगों को झुगी झोंपड़ियों में अपना जीवन व्यतीत करना पड़ता है, जहां पर ना तो पानी की व्यवस्था होती है, ना बिजली की और ना ही शौचालयों की। गन्दा पानी पीने से इन्हे फेफड़ों और पथरी की समस्या से जूझना पड़ता है। शौचालय ना होने कि वजह से इन्हें घंटो घंटो तक प्राकृतिक दवाब की रोकना पड़ता है, जिस से पेट की बीमारियों का खतरा निरन्तर बना रहता है। इन कर्मचारियों में महिलाओं की स्थिति और भी ज्यादा नाज़ुक है ,क्यूंकि इन्हे ज्यादा कार्य करने की वजह से व सही खान पान ना होने से और काम उम्र में शादी और मां बन जाने से इनके शरीर में कमजोरी रहती है, जिस से ये बहुत कम उम्र में ही बूढ़ी और असहाय दिखने लगती है। 

जिन महिलाओं के पति नहीं है उन्हें अपने दिन के लगभग 16 से 18 घंटे कार्य करना पड़ता है। एक सफाई कर्मी महिला सुबह 5 बजे उठ कर खाना बना कर काम पर निकल जाती है जहां सात बजे से दस बजे तक सफाई करने के बाद 10.30 बजे तक घर पहुंचती हैं इसके बाद घर की सफाई, कपड़े धोना, दोपहर का खाना, नहाना आदि में उन्हें 4 बज जाते हैं, इसके बाद कुछ शाम को भी सफाई करने जाती है तो उन्हें कम से वापिस आकर रात का खाना बनाने में 9 बज जाते है और 11 बजे तक सब काम निपटा कर सो पाती हैं, इस थकान भरे दिन में वे अपने बच्चों और खुद के स्वास्थ्य का बिल्कुल ध्यान नहीं रख पाती और उसका नुकसान उनकी पूरी पीढियों को भुगतना पड़ रहा है।

इसके लिए सरकार द्वारा कोई विशेष उपबंध और तकनीकों का प्रबन्ध करने की आवश्यकता है ताकि इन सफाई कर्मचारियों की स्थिति में सुधार आए और इनके बच्चे स्वस्थ रह सकें और उन्हें किसी मजबूरी में पढ़ाई ना छोड़नी पड़े।

Image Courtesy: BBC

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Greetings,
Researchers from O.P. Jindal Global University and University of Baltimore are undertaking a nationwide study aimed at understanding the prevalence and incidence of Intimate Partner Violence among Indian women across all backgrounds.

This study is a large-scale exploratory survey that aims to understand the prevalence and incidence of intimate partner violence among urban and rural women in India across different relationship statuses (whether married or unmarried, dating or cohabiting), and among women across educational, economic, caste, religious, and regional backgrounds. This study will also help expand the limited literature on women’s IPV experiences across India as it includes new aspects such as cyber victimization and IPV during the COVID-19 pandemic.

If you identify as a woman, we kindly request you to fill in the following survey. Your response will help us create a comprehensive database and contribute to the existing literature on IPV.
https://umdsurvey.umd.edu/jfe/form/SV_5tjqKOQHOYmeLw9

To know more about this project, visit https://cwlsc.wordpress.com/research-project/ and follow us @ipv_COVID19 on Instagram.
Please share this message with your peers, friends and family as well. Thank you.

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By Mani Chander

Women aren’t just good for a company’s image. There is overwhelming evidence that enhancing gender diversity and equality at the workplace has a massive upside for any organisation’s growth. However, employers continue to underpay women despite having the same deliverables and educational qualifications as their male counterparts. To this day, few women find place in leadership roles, particularly on boards and in executive positions in companies. Even those who do, earn significantly less than males in the same leadership roles. 

In the United States and United Kingdom, women still make up fewer than 30% of board members and 10% of CEOs among the biggest companies. The numbers are much worse in India. An analysis of the annual reports of 1,747 companies listed on the National Stock Exchange showed that the gender pay gap between male and female directors doubled in FY19 from what it was a year ago. It was also found that women executive directors earned 45% less than their male counterparts in the last fiscal year as male CEOs and CXOs took home bigger salary increments. Moreover, salaries of women Executive Directors remained almost stagnant. This persisting lack of recognition and lower pay scales disincentivises women to join the workforce.

So, what must organisations do to bridge the gap?

  1. Conduct Gender Parity Audits

Organisations, at regular intervals, should conduct both pay and diversity audits. Conducting pay audits would help organisations identify where any conscious or subconscious pay gaps exist and bring in policy interventions to taper them. For example, Iceland, the only country that has ever come close to bridging the gender pay gap, has adopted the Equal Pay Standard which requires companies with over 25 employees to have their accounts audited every three years to obtain a government certification. While India may not have any such legislation, this change should be driven by organisations voluntarily. Right from recruiting to promotions and appraisals, diversity audits must also be conducted. Successful ventures such as Accenture, Barclays, Credit Suisse UK and KPMG have all set gender targets, broken down by business segments and functions. Having clearly defined interim targets enables them to continually measure themselves against their goals. Some organisations have even gone so far as to ensure diversity amongst temporary workers. Take Coca-Cola India for instance, which conducts audits to ensure that half of its interns are women. Diversity and inclusion shouldn’t just be the buzzwords that make your business sound good, instead employers must make honest internal assessments to identify the gaps accurately and execute ideas to narrow down the disparities.  

  1. Nurture Women in Leadership Roles

Having women in leadership roles can contribute significantly to the growth of an organisation. This makes sense for two reasons: first, women make close to 80 percent of household purchasing decisions, and second, and they account for a projected $18 trillion in spending worldwide. Leading employers have started to recognise that it is not only important to give women a seat at the table, but also nurture their talents. A worldwide study of 22,000 companies concluded that having at least 30 percent of women in the C-suite (a firm’s most senior executives and members of corporate boards) results in adding additional 6 percent to the overall net profit margin. Similarly, a 2020 McKinsey report found that companies which score highest on executive-level gender diversity have a 48 percent likelihood of outperforming industry peers on longer-term value creation of economic-profit margin than those who rank lowest in executive-level gender diversity. Having a woman’s perspective when making business decisions, therefore, is not only necessary but critical for any business. 

  1. Enforce Measures to Prevent Workplace Sexual Harassment

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 mandates companies that have over 10 employees to report the number of sexual harassment cases as well as the steps taken for redressal. However, many companies continue to disregard mandatory compliance of the provisions of the Act and those who “comply” have been found to do the bare minimum. Companies must recognise that timely redressal of workplace sexual harassment is of paramount importance, for non-compliance can lead to massive litigation costs and reputational risks. Research indicates that sexual harassment at workplace has adverse psychological effects on women which often results in distraction and poor performance at work. A pro-active approach towards raising awareness about sexual harassment will not only ensure a safe and enabling environment for women, but also enhance productivity of women at work.

  1. Include Paid Paternity or Parental Leaves

Unfortunately, questions as to whether you are married, have kids or plan to have kids are important considerations for most employers when hiring. It is also for these reasons that women are typically the first casualties when employees are being laid-off. This must change. Organisations should shift their mindset to assessing performance based on achievements and deliverables. Rather than penalising women for choosing to have a family, employers must facilitate them. One effective way of doing this is by adopting paid paternity leave policies so that men can shoulder some caregiving responsibilities that women are often solely burdened with. With a little extra help at home, women’s productivity levels at work could increase substantially, resulting in better economic outcomes for businesses. 

  1. Adopt “Blind-screening” 

Employers should focus on promoting meritocracy rather than placing reliance on indicators that have little to no correlation on performance and deliverables, such as gender. In an interesting research, women software coders were found to be of higher quality, but only if evaluators did not know their gender. One effective way of doing this is by employing a “blind-screening” strategy when considering candidates at the time of hiring, promotions and appraisals. Efforts should be made to remove any gender-coded language even in job descriptions and during interviews. Besides, the management should actively and periodically engage with hiring managers and HR teams to chalk out formal diversity and inclusion objectives. When HR and recruiters genuinely believe that this is a top priority for the organisation, they are more likely to make deliberate efforts to deliver such outcomes. Encouraging employees involved in hiring and performance reviews to undergo unconscious bias training would also help build a culture of inclusiveness.

  1. Implement Flexible Working Arrangements 

One thing the pandemic has changed is the customary perception of productivity being directly proportional to office hours spent. With work from home being tried and tested across most industries, it is not surprising that the productivity of people has in fact gone up. Be it telecommuting, remote working, flexible working hours, condensed work weeks – employers may tailor and adopt these strategies to engage talent and enable more women, particularly mothers and women in their mid-careers, to participate more efficiently. However, employers must ensure that privacy and work-life balance are maintained. 

More than anything, women at work deserve equality and neutrality, a seat at the table where decisions are made, a place where the viewpoints they put forth are well-taken without interruption. This is not a big ask, yet after 73 years of independence, the women’s fight for independence continues. Although the legislature has brought in a slew of policies to bridge the gap, a lot more needs to be done. It is time for India Inc. to come out of oblivion and lead the gender diversity and inclusion drive through adoption of progressive internal policies. If this is done, it won’t be long before companies begin to realise that enabling and bringing more women to the workplace is a profitable prospect which is sure to have long-term social and economic benefits.

* Views are personal. This piece is the fourth in the series “Bridge the Gap” presented by The Womb. The author of the series is a Delhi based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She is also admitted to the New York State Bar and holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law, United States.

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Mani Chander

Did you know Serena Williams is paid less than Rodger Federer? Did you know Mithali Raj, the Indian Women’s Cricket team captain earns merely 7% of what Virat Kohli does? A top Indian women’s cricket player earns less than a male cricketer with the lowest-level Grade C contract, and while films with a male lead make $40 million at the box office, those with a female lead earn less than a quarter in Bollywood. Ever wondered why it is so rare in India to encounter a female Uber driver? Did you know that men Uber drivers earn at least seven percent more than women Uber drivers? Or that freelancing males make on average 50% more than their female counterparts?

The answer to these unsettling questions point to two predominant correlational factors – women have fewer economic opportunities and are persistently paid less compared to men. This reality spans across sectors and professions, even when years of experience, hours worked, and educational background of a man and woman are identical. Studies reveal that women are paid approximately 34% less than men for performing the same job with the same qualifications. Besides, societal norms, biases in recruiting and gender-based occupational segregation directly influence women’s occupational choices and in turn, their earnings.

The sectors where women are overrepresented are conventional, low-paying occupations. Even where women are over-represented, they are paid much lower than men for the same work. Take for instance, the agriculture sector – although 74% of the agricultural labor force consists of women, yet the wage gap is significant. Similarly, women in academia and those involved in care work, such as domestic workers are also paid considerably lower than their male counterparts. On the other hand, women continue to be substantially under-represented in stereotypically “male professions”, particularly in senior leadership positions. As per data from the World Economic Forum Report 2020, women in the country account for only 14% of leadership roles and 30% of professional and technical workers. An appalling 8.9% of firms have females as managers in India. 

Now, consider the prospects of women in a heavily male-dominant establishment such as the Indian army, for example. Until February 2020, women were inducted into the army through short service commissions, which only permitted them to serve 10 to 14 years, resulting in widening of the gender pay gap. Interestingly, the Central Government had opposed the inclusion of women in command positions before the Supreme Court of India claiming that women officers must deal with pregnancy, motherhood and domestic obligations towards their families. The Central Government went so far as to make the preposterous argument that women are not well suited to the life of a soldier in the armed forces. However, the Supreme Court held that the Government’s plea was based on discriminatory gender stereotypes and directed the Government to grant permanent commission and command positions to women officers at par with men. One must ask, what the future beholds for women in a country whose own government – that is mandated by the Constitution to promote gender equality – questions their ability to perform at par with men? 

The situation isn’t much different when it comes to politics. Even in the political space, women lack opportunities for growth at every level and continue to be extremely under-represented. Despite a massive push from various stakeholders, the Women’s Reservation Bill is yet to see light of day. It is not uncommon to find women being incessantly undermined and interrupted by men as they speak on the floor of the Parliament, on TV and on Twitter. In a study of more than one lakh tweets mentioning 95 prominent female leaders, it was found that one in every seven tweets that mentioned women politicians in India was “problematic” or “abusive” while one in every five was sexist or misogynistic. Such pervasive toxicity is bound to drive women away from politics and leadership roles which directly impacts the gender gap.

The industry of entertainment and sports also suffers from gross pay disparities. In Bollywood, movies with women leads make much less revenue when compared to those with male lead actors. Typically, even women-centric movies that do well have prominent men as leads. Television commercials continue to reinforce the stereotypical subservient woman on screen. The near-religious fever of the Indian people for the sport of cricket too is selective when it comes to men and women cricketers. A professional football player gets between Rs. 65 to 70 lakhs while a female footballer earns between Rs. 5 to Rs 10 lakhs. In Hockey, the gap widens as we see a minimum of ten-fold wage gap. So, do we only bleed blue for our men? 

Across sectors, no profession remains untouched by the gender pay divide. Is it not disconcerting that four out of five women in India do not work? Yet, those who do are penalised every step of the way, with constant discrimination and ostracisation that reinforce the misconception that it’s okay to pay women less. It is not okay, and the problem won’t correct itself. It is time we consciously acknowledge the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes and engage collectively to create a level playing field for all women – in farms or fields, boardrooms or courtrooms, schools or screens, parliament or entertainment among others, and foremostly, in our homes.

* Views are personal. This piece is the second in the series “Bridge the Gap” presented by The Womb. The author of the series is a Delhi based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She is admitted to the New York State Bar and holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law, United States.

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by Vidhi Damani

Yet another manifestation of the economic disparity created between men and women due to the patriarchal structure of society is “pink tax”. The term simply refers to a gender based price discrimination wherein women have to frequently pay more than men for same products and services for identical goods and services, which can only be differentiated through the color of the product and its packaging. This so-to-speak tax that causes the price difference between the generic or male oriented products and its female targeted product counterpart is evident in all categories of products and services, right from toys for toddlers to support equipment for seniors. 

A study showed that while a razor for men costs Rs. 180, its pink- i.e. women’s version- costs Rs. 250, a shocking difference of Rs. 70 for a change in the color of the product. Similarly, a basic t-shirt costs men Rs. 305 while the same one costs women Rs. 359 and dry-cleaning services for the same shirts may cost women as much as 92% more than men. The study of New York City Department of Consumer Affairs analyzed the costs of hundreds of products used from cradle to cane and concluded that there exists an overall 7% disparity between the costs of all products and that women consumers paid higher prices in 30 out of its 35 product categories. The pink tax costs about $2,135 on average to a woman every year. The official website of AxThePinkTax estimates that by the age of 35, a woman pays a whopping total of around $47,000 under the garb of this “gender tax”. This burden on women’s pocket comes in addition to the gender pay gap. As of 2018, the pay gap is as wide as 19% in India and like the pink tax, it continues to persist even in developed countries such as USA. Thus with lesser income and greater expenditure, women are doubly disadvantaged solely due to their gender. 

Many marketers and companies attribute the hiked prices of women targeted products to product differentiation and greater packaging costs. In order to differentiate a product from others and to target specific market segments, manufacturers often resort to making the packaging more aesthetic, altering color schemes of a product and even highlighting the USPs in varied forms. This may increase the cost of production due to lack of economies in scales in producing those specific products. For example, a manufacturer may produce far more generic blue and black cycle helmets than pink cycle helmets, which could relatively increase the cost of production of each pink helmet. Thus, even though the state of California passed the Gender Tax Repeal Act in 1995 to prohibit businesses from discriminating prices of similar services against a person due to their gender, it cannot be effectively used by consumers as the act works more as a tokenistic change since manufacturers often cite these reasons for their price discrimination. Moreover, a bill banning this discrimination on goods in California was even withdrawn in 2016 due to industrial lobbying and pressure from businesses, preventing any action against these justifications.

Further, even if the quality of the product available for both the sexes remains the same, some marketers capitalize on their notion that women are willing to spend more on their appearance and grooming. Many companies arrogate grave sums of money from women for the most basic products due to their brand name being present on the product, which further feeds into this narrative of social value imposed around women. The insecurities that women carry as a result of the judgment the face on their looks and lifestyle reinforces this gendered pricing and allows companies to arrogate large sums of money from women who hope to match the unattainable societal standards using the products of these companies. They often claim that women are less sensitive to higher prices and since they are willing to pay a greater sum for a product or service, marketers indulge in price discrimination against women. Companies argue that it is no different than discriminating the prices of flights on different dates of purchase. However, that discrimination is neither targeted a selected class of individuals, nor does it contribute to a grander scheme of their systemic oppression. Regardless of all the justifications, the key ramification of this gendered pricing is that it costs a woman even more than before to meet the expectations of her gender as compared to those of a man.

What’s more is, there is barely any awareness about this price discrepancy even in developed countries. A survey revealed that as many as 67% adults in India had never even heard of the pink tax. The first time that this gendered pricing was brought to the public eye in India was through the movement against the 12-14% GST levied on the tabooed sanitary napkins and other women’s hygiene products. While contraceptives remain tax free and are considered essential goods, a “tampon tax” was imposed on women’s sanitary products as they were considered a luxury instead of a necessity. This sparked widespread protests on social media, especially twitter, under the campaign name #LahuKaLagaan, meaning “tax on blood”. Online petitions against it too received more than 4,00,000 signatures including those from activists, actors, politicians and comedians and eventually led the government to revoke this “tampon tax” in 2018. Although the “tampon tax” movement in India helped spread some awareness about it, pink tax still majorly remains hidden in the marketplace and is accepted as an unquestioning norm of society. Many social media movements around the world- such as #GenderPricing and #AxThePinkTax– too have brought some attention to it but their reach is still very limited. 

Creating more awareness among consumers is thus paramount in this battle against the pink tax. Being aware about the deeply problematic narratives that fuel and justify the pink tax is the first step towards questioning it and subsequently taking action against it. It is crucial then, to create more conversation about this and to voice one’s opinions to their peer groups and on social media platforms. Further, one can consciously choose to boycott the products of companies that do charge this pink tax by either switching to their similar generic or male oriented products, or by switching to an entirely different brand that refrains from charging the tax. 

It is equally as important for consumers to appreciate the efforts of companies that are actively trying to break this norm. Companies are bound to take cognizance of this awareness and change in consumer preferences which would affect their marketing strategy and pricing policy. Burger King, for instance, is already publically campaigning against the pink tax. Billie, a subscription razor company, in its fight against the gender tax offers a referral discount that it calls ‘The Pink Tax Rebate’. This is the way forward for companies- to not actively join the fight against patriarchy and profiting through being pioneers of change in the marketplace. 

The biggest change in this societal norm of oppressing women financially however, will effectuate only when the toxic thought patterns of women being gullible, sensitive and easy to manipulate would break. And the onus is upon us to actively take part in this fight against it and to encourage others to do the same. I hope that one day all the sale scouting women shoppers would not have to avail the all year long discounts called the men’s department!

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By Prakhar Tripathi and Sanchit Seth

Mom I need to eat pavbhaji today. Mom I need chole today; mom the food is so bad. Mom where are my shoes; mom why is my shirt not pressed? Mom… mom…

Haven’t we all said this to our moms god knows how many times in our lives? Do we ever think about the humongous amount of work a homemaker does, by virtue of being a wife and a mother? She doesn’t ask anything in return – only love and affection is what she needs and even that her family fails to give many a times. 

Let’s try to calculate the amount a homemaker would earn, if she started doing these chores professionally. Cooking is at least Rs.7000 per month (PM), laundry is Rs. 2000 (PM), cleaning is Rs. 2000 (PM), teaching the kids is another Rs. 4000 (PM), and housekeeping would be another Rs. 4000 (PM). So a homemaker is doing unpaid work amounting to at least if not greater to the worth of Rs. 20000 per month or 2,40,000 a year which translates to roughly 1,24,80,000 in her lifetime. Things are even more difficult for women who live in smaller towns as in big cities households tend to have domestic help but in smaller cities this trend of house help is yet not so prevalent. Add to this mix, the difficulties faced by working women. In big cities, working women can still manage work and home, with some help but it is much more difficult in small towns, where women are still expected to finish all the home chores before attending to their professional work. 

According to a 2011 study by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the average Indian woman spent nearly six hours a day doing unpaid work. Economists believe that though it is unpaid, the household work done by homemakers constitute economic activity and should be included in the national income.

Initially when humans were evolving, men used to go for hunting and women used to take care of the home and kids. It’s not that women were not competent enough to hunt but it was difficult to simultaneously take care of the child with hunting and so there was a broad division of labour. 

A direct consequence of this was that men came to believe that household work and rearing children is the primary responsibility of women, therefore in effect confining women to the four boundaries of the home, and also attaching a secondary status to it. But this is changing now as more and men and women do away with this traditional binary understanding of managing household and working professionally. 

But in this new age India where everyone has rights, and is equal in the eyes of law – why shouldn’t housewives and home-makers be paid for their work? 

We propose that a fixed wage should be given from government to the housewives as a way of recognising her contribution and providing her work with the dignity – while simultaneously rewarding women with a sense of economic freedom. This will help women realise the true worth of their own work and the money in her hands can be used for further propelling economic activity. 

A similar thing was done in Venezuela in 2006 by inclusion of Article 88 in there Constitution which provided that women who work at home or who are home makers would get a pay equivalent to a minimum wage. In India, the idea of providing a fix salary to the homemakers raised a few eyebrows in 2012 when the then Minister of State for Women and Child Development Ms. Krishna Tirath talked about it. 

There are a lot of households in the country where housewives do not get enough monetarily help from their husbands. Most patriarchal husbands put forth an argument that what would the wife do with the money since she has to stay at home all day – anyway. Or even if they give their wives monthly allowance they usually make them feel that this money doesn’t belong to them and it’s their husband’s hard earned money which has to be spent only on household activities and never before the prior approval of their husbands. We need to bring an end to this stereotype and make women feel that even though they spend majority of the time living in the house, they are entitled to do so with the utmost dignity and freedom. Not to mention that providing wages to the housewife might also improve the condition of the household slightly. 

A major issue concerning any scheme in India is its implementation. From 2012 to now, the  bedrock of facilitating implementation has improved with advancements in infrastructure, literacy, technology and also the introduction of Jio and JAM trinity. The J of JAM trinity stand for Jan Dhan Yojna which enabled people belonging to a specific economic background to open bank accounts with certain benefits and be integrated in the formal economy. This has provided these people with a direct beneficiary transfer facility and has thus reduced the issue of pilferage.These accounts should be used for the transfer of the wages being proposed. 

The next big issue is – where will the money for this scheme come from, considering the limited fiscal space available with the government. To implement a scheme like this, it has to be ensured that sufficient funds are available. This concept is similar to that of Universal Basic Income (UBI), with the only difference that it will be exclusively for women. As per the Economic Survey of India 2016-17, if UBI is provided then its fiscal cost would be at max 11% of GDP if an Income of INR 16973 is provided to 75% of India’s population. This would be reduced to 5.5% of GDP (this is maximum) if the same amount is given only to women. This money can be easily arranged by diverting funds from various existing schemes and even closing a few. For instance, this work can be included in MGNREGA, the government can shut schemes such as UJJWALA Yojna or Rashtriya Mahila Kosh or some other welfare scheme that aim at uplifting the household status by way of targeting the women of household. The Centrally Sponsored and Central Sector Sub-schemes had a budget allocation of about 5% of GDP in 2018-19. If the state government schemes are added to this – the figure shoots up by another 3-3.5% of GDP. So, in all we can say, conservatively, that Indian Government spends roughly 8% to 8.8% of its GDP in welfare schemes. 

Another issue, albeit small, by many people is finding a legal basis for this initiative. The Indian preamble provides that, ‘we the people of India resolve to secure to all its citizens equality of status and of opportunity’. When an Indian woman decides to be a homemaker, she is sacrificing her opportunity for her house and children. Equity demands that we compensate for this. This maxim can provide a sound legal basis for the initiative. Article 15 provides that the State can make special provision for women to ensure gender justice and to combat the discrimination. Combine this with Article 21 that protects a person’s life and personal liberty and it cements the legal basis for providing such wages. 

A side benefit of such an initiative is that the women will be integrated more firmly in the formal economy, with a better implementation of welfare schemes and poverty line estimations will also become so much easy. If, the government decides to tax these earnings it can have some extra money. 

This step will also reduce the mental burden on men – thanks to patriarchy – the need to earn and support their families single-handedly. As an indirect consequence it will provide men an opportunity to learn the skill of home making and doing household work. 

This idea is a way of acknowledging hoursehold work related contributions made by the women to society. This idea, if implemented earnestly and honestly has the potential to reduce poverty, enhance the social structure of women, usher the much needed impetus to social justice while also acting as a cushion to the economic shocks and provide administrative ease to the state. All this while ensuring that principles of equality are lived in its truest sense. 

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