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employment

Authors: Mitali Nikore, Khyati Bhatnagar, Priyal Mundhra

Research assistance: Ishita Upadhyay, Girish Sharma, Shruti Jha

India’s growing economy needs 103 million skilled workers between 2017-2022. Yet, over 100 million Indian youth (15-29 years) are not in education, employment or training (NEET), of which around 88.5 million are young women. The proportion of working-age women receiving any form of vocational training over the past decade has been increasing from 6.8% in 2011-12 to 6.9% in 2018-19, vs. an increase from 14.6% to 15.7% for men.

Furthermore, there is a concentration of women trainees in non-engineering, labour-intensive sectors and job roles. Under the flagship Prime Minister Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) for short-term skilling, although women comprised 49.9% of enrolled candidates over 2016-2020, they remained concentrated in traditional, “feminised” sectors such as beauty, apparel and healthcare, and almost entirely excluded from high technology or more mechanised sectors. Between 2014-19, women comprised 17% of enrolment at Industrial Training Institutes (ITI). Women formed only 4.3% of enrollments in engineering trades vs 54.7% in non- engineering trades.

Source: NSDC Analysis, June 2020

In this context, prolonged closures of education and skilling facilities during the COVID-19 pandemic are creating new barriers, especially for young women trying to enter the labour force. Between September 2020 to May 2021, Nikore Associates undertook consultations with over 60 stakeholders belonging to community-based organisations (CBOs), academic institutions, government agencies, women-led self-help groups (SHGs), and corporates to understand these barriers.

1. Gender-based digital divide: During COVID-19, several CBOs switched to online and Whatsapp-based skill training modules. However, in 2020, 25% of India’s adult female population owned a smartphone vs. 41% of men. Consultations showed that owing to lower ownership of smartphones, unfamiliarity with phone features, high data costs, and lower priority being accorded to women’s skill training, several women and adolescent girls dropped out of training. In one example of this, a Mumbai based NGO shared that large family sizes necessitated phone-sharing. Coupled with financial constraints which limited the purchase of internet packages, women’s enrolment in their online skill training courses had fallen.

2. Unpaid work: Indian women were already spending an average of 5 hours per day on unpaid care work, vs. 30 minutes spent by men pre-COVID-19. Nearly 45% of women’s unpaid work is centered around childcare, and the unavailability of creche facilities at skill centers deters women with caregiving responsibilities from joining. Consultations across social groups revealed that the presence of male relatives and children at home due to closure of workplaces and schools led to an increase in care work. For instance, an SHG mobiliser in Telangana shared that the women in her community were unable to attend trainings and SHG meetings owing to domestic work.

3. Commuting options and mobility restrictions: Even before COVID-19, 28.3% of women enrolled in ITIs cited difficulty in commuting as their reason for withdrawing from skill training. Lockdown measures disrupted public transport services, increased the risk of gendered violence in empty public spaces, and heightened mobility restrictions for women. For instance, a Manipur-based CBO shared that even after lockdowns eased and training centers re-opened, women were unable to re-join trainings as they did not have a means to commute.

4. Social norms. In a pre-COVID-19 survey, 58% of female trainees cited marriage, 21% cited family issues, and another 7.5% cited family perception of ITIs being more suited for males as major reasons dropping out of skill training programs. Consultations show that with COVID-19, families have become even more reluctant to allow young women to step out for training. For instance, a Delhi-based CBO conducting training for women to take up cab-driving saw much higher resistance from families post COVID-19.

5. Wage gaps and low likelihood of employment post training: Even after training, women’s likelihood of obtaining a job was lower than men. About 46.9% of women who received formal vocational training did not enter the labour force, vs. 12.7% of men (NSSO 2019). An analysis of data from 64 ITIs shows that only 25.6% of female trainees received job offers in 2018-19. In a survey of employers, 50% of MSMEs and 32% of large companies expressed a reluctance to employ women owing to the need to ensuring their security, risks with involving them in heavy manual labour, and their interest in working in closer proximity to their homes. Women also suffer gendered wage gaps. Between 1993-2018, the average wages for female casual workers in urban settings stood at ~63% of the male wage. Consultations showed that during COVID-19, these gender-biases could worsen, especially across small businesses owing to repeated macroeconomic shocks and working capital constraints.

The Government of India (GOI) has recognized women as a priority group under the Skill India Mission. Further, the GOI’s recent announcement to conduct a tracer study to gauge the impact of PMKVY on female labour force participation is a much-needed intervention to understand the correlation between skill development and employability for women.

As the country moves on to a medium-term path of economic recovery post-COVID19, several additional measures can be considered by the GOI to encourage government and private training providers to undertake gender-inclusive skilling interventions.

The GOI could formulate an incentives-based approach with gender targets for all courses under its National Skill Qualification Framework (NSQF). Reward mechanisms can be created such that training partners become eligible for additional financial support if new modules are devised for women’s training, or if there is an increase in enrolment and placement of female candidates, especially in non-traditional trades.

A composite national and state level ranking of skilling institutes should be devised to assess gender mainstreaming efforts, including increasing awareness, recruiting female faculty and offering counselling services for female candidates and potential employers.

There is also an urgent need to create gender sensitive infrastructure at skill training institutions, with procurement standards of private training partners under government schemes mandating separate washrooms, strict security, balanced gender ratio of trainers and the provision of safe transport. Gender sensitive infrastructure should be standardized across all government and private skilling institutes.

A host of long-term structural barriers, such as occupational segregation, the income effect of rising household-incomes, and increased mechanization, which when combined with increased unpaid work, growing gender disparities in education, and heightened mobility restrictions due to the pandemic, have intensified the challenges of bringing women back to work. Thus, bridging the gender gaps in skill training and making women ready for a digitized, technology-driven post-COVID-19 workplace, should be a priority for GOI.

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Here, we speak with tea plantation workers in Wayanad, Kerala with the help of a translator, who helps us understand what their daily routine looks like. While language can be a barrier, when you truly seek to understand, there are always ways to communicate. Thanks to Ms. Avani Bansal and translator Mr. Vineesh, for giving us a peek into the daily lives of tea plantation workers. While the women were camera shy, the amount of satisfaction they had, is worth learning from. This video was shot before the COVID crisis hit us in full measure.

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Shalini is into prostitution – she has a kid who she needs to feed, and she could not think of any other way to survive. The trouble is that in spite of the fact that she is confident, has learnt to survive, she still finds herself at the losing end, when it comes to negotiating for her payment.

Dholak is an auto-driver. She is the only child of her parents. So, when her father fell sick, she had to rise to be the only bread-earner for her family. She took out her father’s auto-rickshaw and went to town for the first time, wearing a proper uniform. Several glances and pithy comments later – she now knows that she can survive, but even years later, she still finds it difficult to cut through the hesitation that many men feel in getting in her auto, even at peak traffic hours.

Sunaina is a law graduate who has always felt strongly about the rights of tribal and adivasis. She went to work with a local Human Rights’ Organization, that had been working for decades for the advocacy of tribal’ rights. When she saw the atrocities first-hand, and nature of state suppression, she felt herself too weak to bring about a change, all by herself. She persevered though and fought several cases, representing the tribal against big corporate lobbies.

Each of these women have given the best fight possible, without succumbing to their circumstances, and without feeling like a victim. Yet, the common thread that comes across these stories and similar stories from across India is the lack of ‘systemic measures’ to help ameliorate their situation. Any suppressed group or community needs systemic interventions by the state and the government, at multiple levels, if we are to see any significant leaps. Individual stories are also a reflection of their collective status, which unless women’s voices are mainstreamed, will be hard to act upon. Women in India need to look at the example set by those belonging to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Until a few decades earlier, the members of the SC and ST did not have any collective political voice in India, leading to their neglect and marginalisation by all political parties. It is only when their voices and issues were mainstreamed through political organisation, that a slew of reforms ushered in. We are witnessing the same today with the farmers’ organising themselves. Women too, and all those serious about women’s rights, need to find ways to bring women across India together, and to ensure that women are obsessed about their political status, not just their married/unmarried status.

Given the historical discrimination that women have faced, to think that women fighting all by themselves as individuals is sufficient to empower them, is living in a fool’s paradise. World-over, only countries that have taken systemic reforms have been able to show any significant, measurable development in women’s status. For e.g. Rwanda has the highest percentage of women in the Parliament – 61.3 %. This success rate can only be understood by looking at the policy and legal reforms that Rwanda took, most importantly reservation of seats for women in Parliament, that helped it turn around from the dismal figure of 18% women representation in Parliament in 1990 to the current figures. All other countries which have managed to strengthen women’s political voices such as Cuba, Bolivia, Mexico, apart from the Nordic countries, have undertaken a spree of reforms for women empowerment and equal political representation.

When we look around India of today, one cannot help but feel the desperation of women, irrespective of which category, class, or socio-economic status they come from.

Women uprisings or collective energy which was witnessed during the Shaheen Bagh movement and now of the female farmers in the farmers’ movement has given rise to an undercurrent that needs to be channelised for strengthening women’s voices in India. This is perhaps palpable by the current government which is ensuring that young and old women leaders, who speak up, have to pay a price for the same – the many examples include that of Ishrat Jahan, SafooraZargar, DevanganaKalita and Natasha Narwal, Sudha Bhardwaj and HidmeMarkam.

Women have nowhere to go but towards laying out their own destiny in the broader scheme of things in this country. This country also belongs to them, but it is time that women, keeping the challenges of intersectionality debate in mind, still come together and speak up for a cause that unites them all – mainstreaming their voices in politics. Because personal is political.

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