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empowerment

By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

भारत ने हाल ही में अपनी स्वतंत्रता के 75 वर्ष पूर्ण होने पर तिरंगा उत्सव और आजादी का अमृत महोत्सव मनाया है पंरतु आजादी के 75 वर्षों के बाद भी भारत की आधी आबादी सुरक्षित नही है। जब तक महिलाएं असुरक्षित हैं तब तक ऐसे कार्यक्रमों या महोत्सवों का कोई महत्व नहीं रह जाता। हाल ही में राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो द्वारा प्रकाशित आंकड़े दर्शा रहे हैं कि उत्तर से दक्षिण, पूर्व से पश्चिम भारत के किसी भी राज्य या शहर या क्षेत्र में महिलाएं सुरक्षित नहीं है। वैसे तो अपने आप को भारत विश्व गुरु और दुनिया का तीसरा सबसे ज्यादा शक्तिशाली राष्ट्र मानता है परंतु यहां महिलाओं पर जुल्मों की सूची दिन प्रतिदिन लंबी होती जा रही है। राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो के अनुसार वर्ष 2021 में महिलाओं के साथ होने वाले अत्याचार, हिंसा, कत्ल, बलात्कार आदि घटनाओं की संख्या में पिछले साल के मुकाबले 15.3 फीसदी की बढ़ोतरी हुई है। इस वर्ष 428278 केस दर्ज हुए हैं जबकि वर्ष 2020 में ये संख्या 371503 थी।

यदि हम महिलाओं के खिलाफ हुए अत्याचार की कुल घटनाओं को देखें तो पाएंगे कि केवल 52 फीसदी घटनाओं पर ही आरोप पत्र जारी किए गए हैं, अपहरण के कुल 8.2 फीसदी, साइबर अपराध के 90.80 फीसदी, कत्ल के 95 फीसदी मामलों में ही पुलिस ने दोषियों के खिलाफ आरोप पत्र जारी किए हैं, ये अपने आप में आरोपियों को खुली छूट देने जैसा है, पुलिस का ढील मूल रवैया अपराधियों के लिए ताकत बनता है और इसी कारण से पुरुष अपराध करने से हिचकिचाते नहीं है।

महिलाओं के खिलाफ सबसे ज्यादा हिंसा और अत्याचार उनके पति या पति के परिवार द्वारा किए गए हैं, अर्थात 31.80 फीसदी महिलाएं अपने पति और उसके परिवार के अत्याचार और हिंसा का शिकार हुई हैं। 20.80 फीसदी मामलों में महिलाओं के खिलाफ अपराधिक बल का प्रयोग किया गया है या उनकी लज्जा भंग करने (आउटरेज हर मोडेस्टी) के आशय से हमला किया गया है। 17.60 फीसदी मामलों में अपहरण और 7.40 फीसदी मामलों में महिलाओं के साथ बलात्कार किया गया है। 

महिलाओं के खिलाफ अत्याचार और हिंसा के सबसे ज्यादा मामले असम में दर्ज किए गए हैं, इसके बाद ओडिसा, हरियाणा, तेलंगाना और राजस्थान का स्थान है। केंद्र शासित प्रदेशों में दिल्ली महिलाओं के लिए सबसे ज्यादा असुरक्षित जगह है। वहीं बात करें शहरों की तो जयपुर महिलाओं के लिए सबसे खतरनाक और असुरक्षित शहर है। इसके बाद दिल्ली, इंदौर और लखनऊ है। वहीं महिलाओं के लिए सबसे सुरक्षित शहर चेन्नई और कोयंबटूर हैं जो कि तमिलनाडु में हैं।

बलात्कार के मामलों में 6337 मामलों के साथ राजस्थान सबसे शिखर पर है वहीं उत्तर प्रदेश, मध्यप्रदेश और महाराष्ट्र लगभग दो दो हजार से थोड़े अधिक बलात्कार के मामलों के साथ क्रमश: दूसरे तीसरे चौथे स्थान पर है। नाबालिग लड़की के साथ रेप के दर्ज कुल 31677 मामलों में से 1453 मामलों के साथ राजस्थान की हालत बच्चियों के लिए सबसे ज्यादा खस्ता है। गैंगरेप और कत्ल के कुल 284 मामलों में 48 मामलों के साथ उत्तर प्रदेश टॉप पर है, जबकि 46 मामलों के संग असम हैवानियत के दूसरे स्थान पर है।

आधी आबादी पर बढ़ते अत्याचार देश के लिए गहरी चिंता के संकेत दे रहे हैं , आज जब महिलाओं ने हर क्षेत्र में उपलब्धियां दर्ज की हैं और अपनी ताकत का लोहा मनवाया है तब भी वो हर स्थान (घर, सड़क, स्कूल, खेत, यूनिवर्सिटी, बाजार, दफ्तर आदि ) पर असुरक्षित है।

क्या कारण है कि आजादी के 75 वर्षों बाद और देश में एक लिखित संविधान और पुख्ता कानून व्यवस्था के बावजूद भारतीय शासन, प्रशासन और समाज महिलाओं को सुरक्षित माहौल प्रदान करने में असफल रहा है। इसका सबसे मुख्य कारण पितृसत्तात्मक सोच है जो पुरुषों पर हावी है और इस सोच के कारण महिलाओं को दोयम दर्जे की समझा जाता है और पुरुष महिला के ऊपर दास की तरह अपना अधिकार समझते हैं और उसके साथ पशुओं जैसा व्यवहार करते हैं।

इसे रोकने के लिए सर्वप्रथम पुलिस को महिलाओं के प्रति सुगराही बनना पड़ेगा, महिलाओं के प्रति व्यवहार बदलना पड़ेगा और महिलाओं को ये भरोसा दिलवाना पड़ेगा कि उनके खिलाफ हुए अत्याचार या हिंसा को दर्ज किया जाएगा और उसे इंसाफ दिलवाया जायेगा।

जांच पड़ताल में लगने वाले लंबे समय को कम करने की आवश्यकता है, इसके साथ साथ विशेष महिला आदलतें स्थापित करने से भी महिलाओं के खिलाफ अपराधिक मामलों में कमी आयेगी। सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है कि समाज को आगे आना होगा और आंखें व मुंह बंद करने की बजाए ऐसी घटनाओं के खिलाफ बोलना होगा तभी इन घटनाओं पर अंकुश लगाया जा सकेगा।

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By Avani Bansal & Radhika Ghosh

Introduction: An Intriguing Conversation

I was speaking to a colleague who trains judges. Reading one of my earlier pieces on the case for representative judiciary in India, she narrated to me an incident. She said all the judges of the Supreme Court had come for training and one could see that the two female judges were more or less by their own self. So even if a woman becomes a Supreme Court judge, should we assume that she will be treated alike and at par with male judges? She didn’t think so, having observed and worked closely with judges for a long time. But she probed me deeper – “why do you think that is the case? Why do most male judges have such a parochial view towards women judges?” While I was still thinking, she said – “One of the reasons could be that the wives of most of the judges, while educated they may be, do not work professionally. So judges are still accustomed to see women in a particular light.”

Now, I had never thought about the gender gap in Judiciary in this light. While we look at the statistics of the dismal number of female judges in India at subordinate judiciary level, High Courts and Supreme Court, we rarely investigate into how the subjective worldview of our own judges with a limited role for women in it, has a deep impact on promoting, and encouraging more women to join judiciary. While many judgements in India reveal the judges’ own view on the role of women, there is no basis to assume that the same male dominated judiciary will be encouraging of more women to sit next to them as colleagues.

Let’s Look At The Numbers

The Supreme Court was established in October 1935 and functioned as India’s federal court until it assumed its present form in January 1950. The initial strength of the judges was only eight — Chief Justice and seven puisne judges. As the number of cases increased, the number of judges also went up. Today, there are a total of 31 judges, including the Chief Justice of India. Since 1950, India’s Supreme Court has had 46 Chief Justices and 167 other judges.

There have been a total of eleven women judges in the Apex Court ever. Three of them sworn into the Supreme Court (SC) of India on Tuesday, August 31 2021. So along with J. Indira Banerjee there are now a total of four women judges in the Supreme Court who are currently serving. This constitutes to 11% of the strength of total Judges in Supreme Court.

In 17 states, between 2007 and 2017, 36.45% of judges and magistrates were women, researchers with the Judicial Reforms Initiative at Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, a think tank, wrote in January 2020 in the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW). In comparison, 11.75% women joined as district judges through direct recruitment over the same period, according to data from 13 states.

The chart shows the serving women judges (in red), retired women judges (in lighter shade of red), serving men judges/Chief Justices (in grey) and retired men judges/Chief Justices (in light red) of the SC according to their year of appointment as of August 31. Only 11 of the 256 judges (4.2%) who have served/ are serving at the apex court were/are women. Four out of the 33 judges (12%) currently serving are women.

The share of women judges in High Courts was no better. The chart depicts the share of women among all HC judges as of August 1, 2021. Overall, women judges account for only 11% of HC judges. In five HCs, no woman served as a judge, while in six others, their share was less than 10%. The percentage of women judges at the Madras and Delhi High Courts was relatively high.

Women’s representation in the judiciary is slightly better in the lower courts where 28% of the judges were women as of 2017. However, it was lower than 20% in Bihar, Jharkhand and Gujarat. The map shows the State-wise % of women judges in the lower courts.

[Date available on: https://www.thehindu.com/data/only-11-women-supreme-court-judges-in-71-years-three-of-them-appointed-in-2021/article36272407.ece ]

And What About Trans Women, Dalit And Adivasi Women?

The gender gap in India is so wide that we are often talking of just ‘women’ representation without paying any attention to the inherent intersectionality debate. Women are not just one monolithic community in India. From all the eleven women who have made it as judges in the Supreme Court, there has been only one Muslim woman – J. Fathima Beewi and one practicing Christian – J. R Banumathi. There has been no dalit, or adivasi woman, and no woman representing the sexual minorities in India, including a trans woman. The intersectional representation has to be borne in mind because women representing different communities bring in perspectives which others cannot. As the International Commission of Jurists report – “Increased judicial diversity enriches and strengthens the ability of judicial reasoning to encompass and respond to varied social contexts and experiences. This can improve justice sector responses to the needs of women and marginalized groups.”

So What Explains Such A Gender Gap In Judiciary?

There are several systemic obstacles that prevent women from being equally represented in judiciary. First of all, there needs to be a clear vision of how much representation of women will be considered as adequate representation and given that women are half of the Indian population, unless there are 50 percent women judges at all levels of judiciary, we have no reason to be complacent. Having 11 percent women at HC and SC level and 36 percent women at district court level is just not good enough. We have to be convinced of raising this bar, before we start engaging in this debate.

Secondly, there is a need to revisit the rules that keep women out by appearing to treat them ‘equally’ without paying attention to the need for ‘equitable and not equal treatment.’ For example – an advocate must have a minimum of seven years of continuous practise to be eligible to be a district judge. “This could be a disqualifying criterion for many women advocates because of the intervening social responsibilities of marriage and motherhood that could be preventing them from having seven years of continuous practice,” said Diksha Sanyal, a researcher involved with the Vidhi Centre studies on this issue. While Article 233 of the Constitution provides that appointment as a district judge requires not less than seven years as an advocate, it is the Supreme Court that has interpreted it to mean ‘continuous practice’. Similarly, “the entire attitude towards women who work outside home must change,” said Justice Prabha Sridevan, a retired judge of the Madras High Court. For instance, she said that one of the reasons that reduces women to stay in power is the transfer of women magistrates every three years.

Third, we need to discuss the issue of reservation for women not just in Parliament but also in High Court and Supreme Court of India. “Reservation quota for women is perhaps just one among many factors that encourages and facilitates more women to enter the system. In states where other supporting factors are present in sufficient measure, women’s quotas perhaps help bridge the gap in gender representation,” noted the 2020 EPW special article.

Fourthly, we need to design the system in a way that incorporates the requirements of women who aspire to be judges. “A lot of female judges join the service very late, which makes their chance of making it to the high courts or Supreme Court bleak,” said Soumya Sahu, a civil judge in Madhya Pradesh. Women judges are not immune to the “leaking pipeline”, the term used to describe how many employed women quit the workforce mid-career when children face board exams and parents need additional care—jobs that fall to women. “A total reorientation of the way society thinks of family and marriage is needed,” said Justice Sridevan. “It becomes difficult if you think the woman is the sole nurturer.” To address these issues, we need to think of the challenges beyond conventional solutions that are discussed to reduce the gender gap. The gender gap in Judiciary is not separate from the gender gap that we see in all segments of society. So the need of the hour is to understand and address the requirements of women at all levels, which may require us to disrupt the current system of looking at things. Breaking the conventional ways may include more female voices at all levels of decision making and creating inclusive spaces where we don’t just engage in tokenism by appointment a few women.

Above all, what’s needed is self-reflection and being aware of our own mental barriers and perceptions regarding women and what they are capable of doing. Sometimes the attitude of judges towards female lawyers and judges may become apparent through small anecdotes that what statistics may reveal.

Justice Leila Seth, former chief justice of the Himachal Pradesh High Court and the first woman to become the chief justice of a state high court, said in a November 2014 interview with The Hindu – “In most cases, male lawyers or judges especially in upper Himachal had a feudal mentality. They were not used to a woman sitting on their head.”

Advocate Kiruba Munusamy shares an incident while in Madras High Court, where a judge commented about her short haircut, which she couldn’t tie. He said, “Your hairstyle is more attractive than your argument. Women having short hair and men having long hair, wearing studs have become a fashion these days but I don’t like it.” She replied that she has been keeping short hair since her school days. She also mentioned that she has migraine and can’t keep her hair tied for long, so she had it cut short. She then pointed out to him that there is no bar council rule or code that prescribes the hairstyle of women. His response was, “Of course, there are no rules. But I am just telling my opinion.” Kiruba was asked by other male lawyers who were present in the court room to apologise to the judge regardless of his comments. The advocate that day was insulted, mistreated and told to shut up by the judge even though she was the Petitioner’s counsel in a transwoman’s police appointment case.

While every female judge who makes it to the apex court serves as an inspiration for millions of young women, it is time that we think systematically about getting millions of girls as judges and lawyers in various courts and levels in our legal system. This will require shattering quite a few glass ceilings and setting examples through action, initiatives, policy, laws and attitudes, all of which begins with sombre reflection.

First Published here:

http://inspire.profcongress.com/inspireInside/?unique_id=perspectives_0001

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Ekta Pandey

In the 3rd century AD, Kalidasa, one of the greatest writers of ancient India, made a reference to ‘dancing girls’ that were present in the prominent Mahakaal temple in Ujjain, in his work, Meghduta.

“Begemmed their hands, and their jingling navels please, though wearying the chowries and the dances. But shoot your raindrops through the nail marks, soothing, the courtesans will cast you sidelong glances, Their rows in unison as honey bees.”

These girls mentioned by him were known by many names- ‘Devar Adigalar’ in Tamil Nadu, ‘Basavi’ or ‘Jogini’ in Karnataka, ‘Mathangi’ in Maharashtra and most commonly, Devadasis. The term ‘Devadasi’ is a Sanskrit word which means ‘a female servant of God’. They were young girls who were dedicated their life to the service of temples. They had an upscale artistic tradition of dance and music, and were prevalent in the Southern Indian states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu. There is no definite origin of this tradition but it is estimated to have emerged somewhere between the 3rd and 12th century. They used to start at a very young age, and would spend their time learning traditions, rituals and focused on perfecting their arts. In fact, Bharatanatyam also is nothing but a modern incarnation of the Sadir dance performed by these women centuries ago. Devadasis were often referred to as a caste, but according to the Devadasis themselves, there is only a Devadasi way of life, and it’s not a caste. Some believe that the practice arose from the myth of Renuka, the wife of Jamadagni, who was beheaded by her son, Parasurama. It was during the Chola rule that the Devadasis were at the height of their powers and glory. The Devadasis were a professional, matriarchal, and traditional community that developed well-defined practices, customs, and traditions best suited to live their lives but they did not live their lives adhering to the normal rules of sexual morality as that of other Hindu married women, but it is important to notice that the only fact that they were married to a deity did not mean that they could be deprived of the regular pleasures of life: love, companionship, and child-bearing. There is the most common misconception that Hinduism is an extremely conservative religion with no room for  liberal views. One cannot understand the practices of the  Devadasis with such ethos.  Young sex workers, especially in third world countries are often painted as causalities of backward traditions, poverty, and victimization. These characterizations, although creating a tragic narrative that boosts sympathy, often fail to capture the actual complexities of the experiences of these girls. The Devadasi system, especially, is a victim of this twisted narrative. 

Kalidasa’s Meghduta made references to dancing girls, and several Puranas recommended the enlistment of singing and dancing girls during worship. The affluence and reputation of a temple was directly related to the number of Devadasis present. For instance, the Brihadeeshwarar Temple at Tanjore maintained over 400 such girls.The reason behind this practice seems more rooted in the South rather than the North of India is because of the destruction of temples by Muslim invaders.

It creates no doubt that the Devadasis brought in the two things that temples were in need of: money and publicity. The girls would find wealthy patrons and were invited to a large number of auspicious occasions. The concept of ‘dedication’ of a girl made it a symbol of prestige to sponsor her. Their mother and grandmother would arrange for a desirable man. There was an implied contract in place that the devadasi would not provide her offspring, nor any duties that a wife would usually have, and in return, her progeny would not lay any sort of claim on inheritance.

The Male Devadasis

There is also a section of the Devadasis that  is often overlooked. The lives of male Jogappas in the Hubli-Dharwad region of Northern  Karnataka is hardly discussed anywhere. Forced into believing that the goddess Yellamma has bestowed divine possession, the transition of a young boy into a Jogin is initiated by a set of  “incurable” physical ailments like rashes, foul odour, fits and even dreadlocks. They are considered serious symptoms of divine possession and neither the priest nor the local witch doctor was able to provide them a cure. The parents of the child ultimately turn to a place called Saundatti where these boys are taken into the “service” of the goddess.

Initially, they only offered their companionship to kings and other noblemen. As the years  passed by, they began offering services to the common public as well. Currently, Devadasi system is a misunderstood and deteriorated concept which has been reduced to a base of operations for human trafficking, abuse, prostitution and slavery. According to the National Commission for Women, there are 48,358 Devadasis in India.

The majority of active devadasis are in Karnataka, with over 22,491 individuals, Andhra Pradesh with 16,624 individuals, and Maharashtra with 2,479 individuals. Many of them belong to the scheduled caste community. Majority of them are very young(11 or 12 years of age.) These girls attain puberty at 12 or 13 years of age, and get their first sexual partner by the time they reach 15. They are clueless  about protection, making them vulnerable to sexually transmitted diseases.

Efforts by legislation

The real major change was brought by the Bombay Devadasi Protection Act of 1934. In Furtherance, the Madras Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) Act,1947 and the Karnataka Devadasi (Prohibition of Devadasi) Act, 1982 came into existence. These Act deems dedications to be unlawful and penalizes any person who performs it. Any such person can be imprisoned for a term that can extend to 3 years and fine of Rs. 2000.  If the person is a parent or a relative the punishment increases to imprisonment for 5 years with  a minimum of 2 years and a maximum fine of Rs. 5000 with the minimum being Rs. 2000. It extends powers to the state government to make any rules regarding the same. The Karnataka Act provided significantly for the welfare, rehabilitation, custody and welfare for these Devadasis. This was followed by a similar enactment in Andhra Pradesh in 1988. However, the state government has only laid out the framework, and even now, there are no rules as to implementation. A study by NLSIU and Tata Institute of Social Sciences exposed the neglect and apathy shown by the government towards this disturbing practice that still haunts communities.

The people who force or encourage these young girl to become a Devadasi are mostly their own family members. Therefore, it is no surprise that the girls are unwilling to report their own family members. Even after a case is registered, it is highly unlikely that they will cooperate with the police, or the courts. Moreover, law enforcement also fails to take suo-moto cognizance on these issue.

Conclusion

A Devadasi is a woman who is raped even before she truly understands her own sexuality, who is robbed of her innocence, who leads a miserable life with no respect or love, and a woman who still struggles to maintain her dignity and self-respect in spite of the revulsion society shows towards her. For far too long, she has been living in the shadows, and has not been seen as a complete human being: one with hopes, dreams, and aspirations. They are a victim of circumstances and their current state does not mean that they had forfeited their right to dignity.

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Why the amended abortion law in India restricts access and fails to grant pregnant (women, transgender and nonbinary) persons, complete control over their reproductive choices.

Mani Chander

The Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Bill, 2020 was approved by the upper house of the parliament and received presidential assent in March, 2021. Some of the amendments brought in by the new Act were hailed by many for further liberalizing access to abortion in India. On the other hand, some leaders of the opposition had voiced concerns, demanding a detailed scrutiny of the Bill by a parliamentary standing committee. The Bill, however, was passed without any further deliberation or amendments.

One of the key amendments brought by the Act was in terms of easing the process of approval by doctors. While the earlier law required one doctor’s approval for pregnancies up to 12 weeks and two doctors’ for pregnancies between 12-20 weeks, the new law requires only a single doctor’s approval for pregnancies up to 20 weeks. The approval of two doctors is now needed only for the 20-24 timeline reserved for abortion seekers of special categories such as rape or incest survivors. The upper gestation limit for abortion in cases of foetal disability has also been removed.

The other significant change introduced by the new Act was the mandatory constitution of a medical board in every State and union territory (UT), which would decide on pregnancies beyond 24 weeks in cases of foetal abnormalities. As per the amended act, the board would have one gynaecologist, one radiologist or sonologist, one pediatrician, and other members as prescribed by the respective state or UT.

Nearly six months since the new act came into effect, several issues around the revised mandate have come up, showing that the new law, though well intended, continues to restrict reproductive rights. 

The first obvious and fundamental drawback is that our lawmakers have failed to recognize that reproduction is not just a women’s issue. Seeing only women as natural mothers is exclusionary and deeply problematic as it ignores the fact that trans and non-binary persons can also become pregnant. It reinforces harmful stereotypes around reproduction and sexuality.

Furthermore, while the establishment of medical boards in every state and UT seems like a noble idea, ground reality points to its infeasibility. A recent report based on the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare’s Rural Health Survey, which analyzed district-wise availability of medical specialists, found that there is a severe shortage of doctors. As many as 82% of these posts for surgeons, obstetricians, gynaecologists, physicians and paediatricians lie vacant. In rural India, where 66% of the country’s population resides, there is a shortage of approximately 70%. While states like Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Sikkim revealed a 100% shortfall of pediatricians, others such as Tamil Nadu, Arunachal Pradesh, and Gujarat have recorded near-absolute absence of certain specialists in rural areas.

Besides, even if the state governments manage to set up the necessary medical boards, access will remain a challenge, particularly for those in remote areas. It is noteworthy that the new law fails to include any provision whatsoever for ensuring logistical or financial assistance to those who need to consult a medical board. Rather than ensuring access and convenience, forcing pregnant persons to run around in search of medical boards would create further hurdles for them.

Not to mention that these medical boards have no clear mandate, leaving the scope of their functions excessively wide. Absolute discretion when considering requests for abortion allows medical boards to venture into subjective issues such as viability of the foetus and possibility of corrective surgery. 

Time and again, courts have reiterated the right of a woman to control her body and fertility. In 2016, the Bombay High Court in a suo moto public interest litigation held that “the right to autonomy and to decide what to do with one’s own bodies includes whether or not to get pregnant and stay pregnant”. It flows logically, that any encroachment of bodily autonomy would also amount to infringement of privacy, as observed in the Puttaswamy judgment of the Supreme Court.

While restrictions on the fundamental right to privacy may be imposed on account of larger interests, they ought to be “just, reasonable, and fair.” It appears, however, that the amended Act, if challenged, would fail to satisfy this constitutional mandate.

Contrary to their own precedents upholding bodily autonomy, courts have sometimes rejected petitions seeking approval for abortions. The reason is that courts ultimately rely on the decision of the medical boards, while ignoring the advice of the woman’s own gynaecologist. For instance, the Supreme Court rejected the termination of a 27-week pregnancy even though the foetus had severe physical abnormalities, because the medical board had found that there was no physical risk to the mother. The same fate was met by a 25-year-old woman whose foetus was diagnosed with Arnold Chiari syndrome, an abnormality that leads to underdeveloped brain and distorted spine.

Moreover, the process of setting up medical boards and delayed decision-making has forced women to carry their pregnancies to term. In one case, an HIV-positive rape victim from Bihar, who was denied abortion when she was 18 weeks pregnant, was forced to give birth as a result of delay. While awarding compensation to the woman, the Supreme Court remarked, that “the fundamental choice (of termination of unwanted pregnancy) which is available in law was totally curtailed and scuttled, ..the entire action has caused her immense mental torture”. In another case, after the Supreme Court allowed abortion of a 13-year-old rape survivor, she ended up giving birth two days later. Bureaucratic delays coming in the way of women’s reproductive rights can hardly be considered just. 

In yet another striking suit, the top court refused to allow an abortion for a 10-year-old girl, allegedly raped by her uncle, because the medical board was of the opinion that termination would be “too risky”. What medical boards and courts seem to be ignoring is that in most cases involving children, the pregnancy itself is discovered too late because they are unaware of their condition. Yet, they are made to pay the price for no fault of their own.

The central argument is that medical boards and doctors continue to decide and make the final call. Leaving the decision to anyone other than the woman grossly undermines her dignity and agency, particularly when those assigned the task of decision-making are not bereft of their own personal and moral beliefs. 

India is considered to have a fairly progressive abortion law when compared to other countries, yet it is regressive in more than one way. While we still have a long way to go, we mustn’t hesitate to learn lessons from the rest of the world. Texas’ recent law which effectively bans abortions is a painful reminder that hard-won rights can be stripped away all too easily. 

We cannot be complacent, for we are not free until all of us are.

_______

*Views are personal. The author is a Delhi-based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law and is admitted to the Bar Council of India as well as the New York State Bar.

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By Sayan Dasgupta

The red and the black earth of Bharat carries with it a myriad of stories. From birth of civilization to fall of empires; the crowning of monarchs to the johar of valiant. In this narration of history, we often tend to neglect the queer tints, away from the maddening crowd of heteronormativity. It was August 11th of 1992 in ITO area of Delhi, when the first voice against exclusion and persecution was raised. 

Prima facie, the provision of Section 377 of IPC may not appear to name any community or class and create classification. However, at the hands of police, it assumed the shape of normalised discrimination and daylight harassment. The Delhi police on August 11th, 1992 started apprehending men from Connaught Place on the ‘suspicion’ of being gay. This did not sit well with the activists of AIDS Bhedbhav Virodhi Andolan (ABVA). ABVA has been a pioneer and a hero for the queer community being the harbinger for rights against discrimination and equal protection of the LGBTQIA+ persons. Its first known involvement was in 1989 protesting against forcible testing of HIV status amongst women of red-light districts by AIIMS and ICMR with the assistance of police. They argued for humane treatment and rehabilitation for HIV positive persons and better contraceptives like condoms etc. 

The protest of 1992 was along the similar lines. They blockaded the entrance to the police headquarter in ITO area of Delhi and were later joined by several women’s rights and human rights organisations. The shining beacon that it was did not fruition into any outcome. However, this was the first protest for LGBTQIA+ rights. ABVA two years later initiated a movement in the Tihar Jail to provide free access to condoms considering high incidence of sodomy and participation of almost 2/3rd prison population in homosexual relations increasing probabilities of spread of HIV. Kiran Bedi, the then Inspector General of Prisons vehemently denied the proposition arguing that it would be a tacit acceptance that such relations were in vogue; and primarily would encourage such relations. Bedi decided a contrarian route to deal with the “menace of homosexuality” as she called it, by mandatory forced testing of the inmates and segregating the HIV-positive inmates.

This state-sponsored discrimination was rooted in the baseless fear of HIV and unequal affording of the right to privacy based on sexuality. ABVA filed a writ petition seeking to test the validity of this step and also subject Section 377 to judicial review for constitutional validity in Delhi HC. The petition however was unsuccessful insofar as the challenge to 377 of IPC is concerned.

However, it is interesting to note the first-ever judicial decision by a US Court on LGBTQIA+ rights at this juncture. While it is the 29th anniversary of the first protest for queer rights in India, it is also the 39th anniversary of the first written judicial decision of the US jurisprudence on rights of persons living with HIV. Much ahead of its time, the case of LaRocca v. Dlasheim (67 N.Y.S.2d 302 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1983)) decided by a New York Court issued a ruling in favour of persons with a positive status. Similar to the aforementioned circumstance, the case was instituted by persons incarcerated in state prisons who did not want to be in the vicinity of HIV+ individuals. The arguments derived its rationale from stereotypes and irrational fear praying for a complete segregation and insufficiency of a separate ward. The Court relied on science and not conjecture and held that such unfounded irrational fear (even if honest) cannot be grounds for state discrimination. Such rights of struggle towards the state declared innuendo are plenty. On further observation, it is an obvious conclusion that queer identity is a menace. It is a menace to the status quo, heteronormativity, a lack of nuanced discourse and intolerance towards the different. Queer identity has never been anything but political; riddled with oft ignored rebellions, struggles and frustration. Regardless, India is also laced with narrations of gender fluidity and queer history. The Shatapatha Brahmana (2.4.4.19) appreciates the romantic story ensconcing the two halves of the moon; Varuna, the waxing one; and Mitra, the waning one. The two long for each other and find union on the new moon night. It is believed that they promenade in the celestial skies, and Mitra implants his seed in Varuna, and when the moon wanes, that waning is a product of his seed. Kama Sutra (2.9.36) and the tale of Shikhandi even recognised same-sex marriages. While the fate of struggle plays out, the historical narrations of this land provide poetic justice.

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Mani Chander

Did you know Serena Williams is paid less than Rodger Federer? Did you know Mithali Raj, the Indian Women’s Cricket team captain earns merely 7% of what Virat Kohli does? A top Indian women’s cricket player earns less than a male cricketer with the lowest-level Grade C contract, and while films with a male lead make $40 million at the box office, those with a female lead earn less than a quarter in Bollywood. Ever wondered why it is so rare in India to encounter a female Uber driver? Did you know that men Uber drivers earn at least seven percent more than women Uber drivers? Or that freelancing males make on average 50% more than their female counterparts?

The answer to these unsettling questions point to two predominant correlational factors – women have fewer economic opportunities and are persistently paid less compared to men. This reality spans across sectors and professions, even when years of experience, hours worked, and educational background of a man and woman are identical. Studies reveal that women are paid approximately 34% less than men for performing the same job with the same qualifications. Besides, societal norms, biases in recruiting and gender-based occupational segregation directly influence women’s occupational choices and in turn, their earnings.

The sectors where women are overrepresented are conventional, low-paying occupations. Even where women are over-represented, they are paid much lower than men for the same work. Take for instance, the agriculture sector – although 74% of the agricultural labor force consists of women, yet the wage gap is significant. Similarly, women in academia and those involved in care work, such as domestic workers are also paid considerably lower than their male counterparts. On the other hand, women continue to be substantially under-represented in stereotypically “male professions”, particularly in senior leadership positions. As per data from the World Economic Forum Report 2020, women in the country account for only 14% of leadership roles and 30% of professional and technical workers. An appalling 8.9% of firms have females as managers in India. 

Now, consider the prospects of women in a heavily male-dominant establishment such as the Indian army, for example. Until February 2020, women were inducted into the army through short service commissions, which only permitted them to serve 10 to 14 years, resulting in widening of the gender pay gap. Interestingly, the Central Government had opposed the inclusion of women in command positions before the Supreme Court of India claiming that women officers must deal with pregnancy, motherhood and domestic obligations towards their families. The Central Government went so far as to make the preposterous argument that women are not well suited to the life of a soldier in the armed forces. However, the Supreme Court held that the Government’s plea was based on discriminatory gender stereotypes and directed the Government to grant permanent commission and command positions to women officers at par with men. One must ask, what the future beholds for women in a country whose own government – that is mandated by the Constitution to promote gender equality – questions their ability to perform at par with men? 

The situation isn’t much different when it comes to politics. Even in the political space, women lack opportunities for growth at every level and continue to be extremely under-represented. Despite a massive push from various stakeholders, the Women’s Reservation Bill is yet to see light of day. It is not uncommon to find women being incessantly undermined and interrupted by men as they speak on the floor of the Parliament, on TV and on Twitter. In a study of more than one lakh tweets mentioning 95 prominent female leaders, it was found that one in every seven tweets that mentioned women politicians in India was “problematic” or “abusive” while one in every five was sexist or misogynistic. Such pervasive toxicity is bound to drive women away from politics and leadership roles which directly impacts the gender gap.

The industry of entertainment and sports also suffers from gross pay disparities. In Bollywood, movies with women leads make much less revenue when compared to those with male lead actors. Typically, even women-centric movies that do well have prominent men as leads. Television commercials continue to reinforce the stereotypical subservient woman on screen. The near-religious fever of the Indian people for the sport of cricket too is selective when it comes to men and women cricketers. A professional football player gets between Rs. 65 to 70 lakhs while a female footballer earns between Rs. 5 to Rs 10 lakhs. In Hockey, the gap widens as we see a minimum of ten-fold wage gap. So, do we only bleed blue for our men? 

Across sectors, no profession remains untouched by the gender pay divide. Is it not disconcerting that four out of five women in India do not work? Yet, those who do are penalised every step of the way, with constant discrimination and ostracisation that reinforce the misconception that it’s okay to pay women less. It is not okay, and the problem won’t correct itself. It is time we consciously acknowledge the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes and engage collectively to create a level playing field for all women – in farms or fields, boardrooms or courtrooms, schools or screens, parliament or entertainment among others, and foremostly, in our homes.

* Views are personal. This piece is the second in the series “Bridge the Gap” presented by The Womb. The author of the series is a Delhi based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She is admitted to the New York State Bar and holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law, United States.

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Mani Chander

Of 153 countries, India is placed at an abysmal 149th position in economic participation and opportunity according to the Gender Gap Index Report of 2020. Over the last few months, this gender gap has further exacerbated as many women continue to take substantial pay cuts and have lost jobs owing to the pandemic. An Oxfam India report estimates the economic loss from women losing their jobs during the pandemic at about $216 billion – this would mean knocking off a striking 8% from the country’s gross domestic product. It is for this reason that the gender pay gap should no longer be viewed as merely a social problem. A national crisis is before us and we must deal with it head-on.

So what’s causing this “She-cession”? Since the onset of the pandemic, reports across the world suggested that women are more likely than others to bear the economic burden. But this has turned out to be particularly true for Indian women. Not only do fewer women work in India when compared to other countries, but they also get paid way less than working women in other countries. Besides, Indian women are more vulnerable due to our inherently patriarchal society as marriage and maternity typically take center stage in a woman’s lives. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development statistics, on average, women in India spend almost 352 minutes per day on unpaid work such as household chores, childcare and looking after elderly parents, as opposed to just 52 minutes by their male counterparts.

Prior to the lockdown women in India contributed 18% to the country’s economic output, about half of the global average. Now, with the coronavirus outbreak this percentage is set back even further due to the unreasonable expectation that women, by default, are exclusively responsible for all household duties. In essence, working women are now juggling multiple roles. Their domestic help is no longer available, children are off schools and older parents who are vulnerable to the virus require special care. For these reasons, women are dealing with additional stress leading to reduced productivity at work, and as a result, they are being increasingly perceived by employers as easy targets for pay cuts and layoffs. 

Unlike other countries, where women who are laid off are compensated with social security benefits, Indian women are left bereft of such benefits in case of layoffs. Self-employed women and those who are employed on a temporary or contractual basis are particularly disadvantaged as they have little to no security or legal protections to fall back on. While many other countries have offered comprehensive unemployment insurance to working women facing hardships, women in India are further handicapped by the sheer lack of it.

The most significant factor that puts India at a back-footing when compared to other countries, however, is that a majority (ranging from 88 to 95 percent) of women continue to work in the unorganised sector, many of whom are migrant workers who were forced out of jobs due to the pandemic. Their employment is concentrated in labour intensive, low-growth and low-productivity sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing and construction. Over a period of time, women in these sectors are likely to lose more jobs with the surge in mechanisation and automation. Interestingly, McKinsey Global Institute in a 2019 Report estimated that up to 12 million Indian women could lose their jobs by 2030 owing to automation in these sectors. Without question, such a catastrophe would halt or even reverse any progress made towards enhancing women’s participation in the workforce.

The female wage in India is 60-65% of the male wage since the last three decades. Before the pandemic unleashed, the World Economic Forum in its Global Gender Gap Report of 2020 painted a grim picture. It indicated that it would take a century to reach pay parity. If we continue to ignore the economic inequalities caused by the pandemic, any prospects of closing the gap even in the next 100 years will be further hampered.

It is evident that the effects of the pandemic are gender conscious, so it stands to reason that our efforts to overcome them involve a gendered response. What India needs is an effective re-evaluation of its policies and targeted interventions by the civil society, government and private sector. Instead of reinforcing mechanisms and cultural norms that push women out of jobs, it is time we begin investing in women as the pillars of nation building – by rewarding them with equal pay for equal work, if not more. 

Let’s bridge the gap.

* Views are personal. This piece is the first in the series “Bridge the Gap” presented by The Womb. The author of the series is a Delhi based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She is admitted to the New York State Bar and holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law, United States.

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Born in a middle class family in a small sleepy village of Madhya Pradesh, Surabhi was always cognizant that her parents were her constant pillars of support while other members of the family would have been happier with a male child born in the family. To describe in her own words – ” There were only two souls, my parents, who were overjoyed with my birth, while the remaining 30 odd members of a giant and joint family, that we were part of, did not even consider it an event worthy of celebration.” However, Surabhi traversed through all the challenges and overcome all the rejections she faced along the Journey of Life to achieve the pinnacles of success which would eventually make everybody proud of her.

25 years down the lane, the same girl, the same village and the whole family was welcoming her with garlands, sweets and slogans like – “Who should every girl be like? Like Surabhi Gautam ofcourse”. Everything had changed with her success. Surabhi has the unique distinction of clearing all the prestigious competitive exams and interviews conducted across India. She successfully cleared several competitive examinations like GATE, ISRO, SAIL, MPPSC, PCS, SSC CGL, Delhi Police and FCI exams with distinction. The feather in her cap was when she topped the IES exams with All India Rank 1. The ultimate success came when Surabhi Gautam, a University topper and a Gold Medalist cleared the ultra-competitive Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) exams in her very first attempt, securing a All India Rank of 50.

However, these successes did not come easily for her. She had to wade through extreme challenges, which sometimes even made her think of giving up, but she didn’t and eventually reached her goal. She overcame these challenges with the unflinching guidance and support of her parents and her sheer determination to set an example for other women from her village.

Surabhi always excelled in her academics. She scored exceptionally high grades in both her school and college. She did her schooling in her village, Amdhara in Madhya Pradesh, in a hindi medium Board school with very poor infrastructure and teaching staff. Her village had severe electricity disruptions and she had to study with the aid of a kerosene lamp on several occasions. But these did not deter her strong urge to excel in academics.

Something interesting happened in her 5th grade which changed the course of her life and drew her to excel in academics. She scored 100 percent in her Mathematics exam which drew the praise of her teacher since it was a first in her school. The encouragement she got from her teacher made her feel appreciated and recognized which encouraged her to study harder and perform consistently throughout her academic career.

The second turning point in her life came when she again scored 100 percent in her tenth grade in both Science and Mathematics which placed her on the state merit list. This made her a pseudo-celebrity of her village, journalists began interviewing her, splashing her accomplishments across newspapers, and people began to admire and appreciate her achievements. During one such interview, a journalist asked her what career option does she prefer to choose in the future. Despite not having pondered over it in the past, Surabhi unconsciously mentioned that she wants to be a ‘Collector’. The next day’s Newspaper headline was “Surabhi wants to be a Collector”. Little did she realize that, her words would somebody in the future turn into reality.

Despite being a studious girl dedicated to her studies, her heart wanted to diversify. She tried her hand at painting, sketching, drawing and embroidery.But then she encountered her first major challenge in life. She suddenly began to realize a weird sense of pain creeping through her body. She began to feel a stinging pain in her joints and elbows and she was soon bedridden. Despite their meager financial resources, Surabhi’s parents decided to take her to Jabalpur for treatment. The doctor diagnosed her with rheumatic fever, a disease which affects the heart, joints, brain and skin. In serious cases, rheumatic fever can also lead to death. The doctor advised that she should be given a dose of Pencillin, every 15 days, which needed to be administered with utmost care, else it could result in severe complications. Her parents were seriously worried because there was no Healthcare center nor a qualified doctor who could administer the drug in her village. Her parents somehow arranged for a specialist to administer the drug till she was cured.

The third turning point in her life arrived when she again excelled in her twelfth grade exams, appeared for the Engineering entrance and as usual cracked the exam. She was awarded the Dr. A.P.J Abdul Kalam Scholarship for her exceptional grades.

However, this time around things wouldn’t be very easy for her because she had to move out of her village and study in a city which no other girl from her village had ever done prior. Also, having studied in Hindi medium school she had to draw flak for not being able to speak in English fluently. Even though she knew the answers to questions posed by her professors, she always faltered because she couldn’t articulate well enough in English. On several occasions she was so deeply hurt and disillusioned that she almost decided to quit her studies and head back home. However, during these trying circumstances, her mother stood firmly by her and insisted that she should move ahead, overcoming the challenges. Her mother always emphasized the need for her to achieve her goal as she would stand as a constant inspiration for other girls of the village to explore and accomplish their dreams, which they otherwise would fear doing. Surabhi had no option but to persist and persist she did. She did not want the doors to close on other aspirational girls from her village who wish to pursue their higher studies outside of their village.

Surabhi meticulously studied English, practiced every single word and phrase, till she became proficient. She had crossed on more hurdle in the process. Surabhi finally completed her Engineering in Electronics and Communications from Bhopal. She not only topped her exams in her college but in the entire University. After this accomplishment there was no stopping her.

During college placement, Surabhi got a job with TCS (Tata Consultancy Services) but she wanted to do something different so she did not accept the offer. After her graduation, Surabhi worked as Nuclear Scientist at BARC for a year. She then cracked competitive entrance exams like GATE, ISRO, SAIL, MPPSC PCS, SSC CGL, Delhi Police and FCI. The icing on the cake came when she cleared the UPSC exams with an All India Rank of 50, in her very first attempt in 2016. Today, she is an IAS office, something that she had blindly mentioned in response to a question from a journalist. She made headlines then. She made headlines again and she is the proud daughter of everyone in her village – Loved, Admired, Respected and a true inspiration to other young aspiring girls across the globe.

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By Arthita Banerjee

Toni Morrison was a writer extraordinaire, her impact on people’s lives went far beyond the page. She was the very first black woman to be awarded the Nobel prize for Literature, laying the groundwork for generations to come. We all stand tall on her shoulders, to say the least.

Her best known work, the ‘Beloved’, moves in terrains nobody has dared explore before. 

When you think of a story addressing, revisiting slavery- all it normally does is tread along the sidelines, use grisly, graphic tales of horrors in an attempt to educate, by invoking a sense of pity.

Morrison, however doesn’t want you to look at the black experience through a monochromatic lens. She implores you to look for the complex shades of grey, even in the most enduring and trying times. While you maybe disgusted by the actions of the characters but you are never to see them as less than people, puppeteered by the slave masters and a mere product of the cotton plantations.  

It’s truly an extraordinary task to write a review for Toni’s magnum opus but if I must mention, it’s an equally daunting task trying to take it all in the first time you read it – her nurtured, her nemesis, the beloved. 

Morrison demands you really read her book. It is of little consequence that you may be familiar with the writing style of a Faulkner or a García Márquez, when you sit down with Beloved, you need to have a little artistic interpretation of your own, as a reader, otherwise it ain’t cutting ice with her writing. 

The book is definitely not your run-of-the-mill linear tale, there is no beginning and no end to it, just juxtapositions of the horrors of the past, told through flashbacks, memories and dreams, all effortlessly blending into the present – a constant reminder of how alive the past is. The narration and the structure of the book is also compounded by an ever-switching point of view of the characters. Even the dead ones, sometimes, have their bit to say.

Beloved, is a tapestry of the imperative, very distinctive black experience that’s hard to look in the eye. Distinctive, because the characters have a voice of their own, devastatingly enough, not a choice, but you learn the complexities in their own words, through their own nightmares, their doings as well as their undoings. Her writing is almost lyrical, poetry flowing like prose and her words, definitely incomparable. By her storytelling, she manages to elegantly dignify even the indignation suffered by her people.

Set in the mid 1800s, the book is based on the real life account of Margaret Garner, a fugitive slave on a Kentucky plantation, who, in an attempt to escape the slave catchers along with the letter and the spirit of the unforgiving law- the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, and out of utter desperation, does the unthinkable. 

The great American painter, Thomas Satterwhite Noble, historically represents the very story in his painting ‘The Modern Medea’. A wood engraving of the art-piece can be found at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.

Margaret’s story, told through Morrison’s Sethe, explores the physical, emotional and to an extent spiritual devastation wrought by slavery.

The central character in the book is Sethe, and the book opens with the words, “Sth, I know that woman.” Several linguists argue that “Sth” is the sound of a woman grinding her teeth, it’s metaphorically conclusive for her actions which you are left free to judge but it’s sure to alter your perception, through her journey. 

The story follows the residents of house 124, a black family dismantled by their former enslavement, some years after the end of the Civil War. Sethe, along with the two young boys of the family, her mother-in-law Baby Suggs, and her daughter Denver live haunted by a raucous, and at times violent, spirit of a baby. It works its way into driving her family out, one after the other and ultimately her own community ends up isolating her. 

The story seams into gothic fiction, but it’s unlike any you have read before. It focuses on the haunting of the soul, that things cannot be unseen, unfelt or unremembered. The baby ghost is Sethe’s own child. 

Toni was disappointed that the book wasn’t “welcomed into the horror genre, when it is in fact a classic of horror.” However, as a reader I thought that the terror that is felt in the book is hardly about the ghost itself. It has so little to do with the supernatural and everything to do with the reality of the severe dehumanization of an entire people. It’s the horror of making the reader acknowledge that slavery existed, and Toni banging the ceremonial gavel with the order that it should and it must, haunt us all.

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राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

नब्बे के दशक में जब बहुजन समाज लोगों में इस बात की जागरूकता आई कि संख्या में तो वो ज्यादा है परन्तु सत्ता में उनकी भागीदारी नगण्य है, तब एक नारा “जिसकी जितनी संख्या भारी, उसकी उतनी हिस्सेदारी” लगना शुरू हुआ। ऐसे अनेकों नारों व संघर्षों से बहुजन समाज ने अपने लोगों को एकजुट करके सत्ता में अपनी भागीदारी सुनिश्चित करने के प्रयास शुरू किए और काफी हद तक कामयाब भी हुए। इस प्रकार के नारों और संघर्षों की ज़रूरत महिलाओं को भी है, क्यूंकि महिलाएं संख्या में तो पुरुषों के लगभग बराबर है परन्तु सत्ता में उनकी भागीदारी ना के बराबर है। भारत में महिलाओं की स्थिति में समय समय पर बदलाव होते रहे हैं, पिछले कुछ दशकों में उनकी सामाजिक स्थिति और अधिकारों में काफी बदलाव आए हैं परन्तु राजनीतिक प्रतिनिधित्व (सत्ता की भागीदारी) की स्थिति में कोई खास बदलाव देखने को नहीं मिला है। भारतीय राजनीति में आज भी आम आदमी की बात होती है, आम औरत के बारे में कोई बात नहीं करता, सभी राजनीतिक दलों के एजेंडे में महिलाओं के मुद्दे सबसे अंत में आते हैं।


“इंटर पार्लियामेंट्री यूनियन रिपोर्ट” जिसमे विश्व के निम्न सदनों में महिलाओं की संख्या के अनुसार रैंकिंग तय की जाती है, 2014 के आंकड़ों के अनुसार 193 देशों की सूची में भारत का 149 वां स्थान है, वहीं पड़ोसी देश पाकिस्तान और बांग्लादेश जिन्हें हर कोई महिला विरोधी मानता है, जहां पर शासन कभी लोकतंत्र तो कभी सैनिकतंत्र में बदलता रहता है, इन देशों ने क्रमशः 100 वां और 95 वां स्थान प्राप्त किया है।


भारत में पहली लोकसभा (1952) चुनाव में महिला सांसदों की संख्या 22 (4.4%) थी, वहीं 17वीं लोकसभा (2019) चुनावों में ये संख्या 78 (14.39%) तक पहुंची है, अर्थात महिला सांसदों की संख्या को 22 से 78 करने में हमें लगभग 70 वर्षों का लंबा सफर तय करना पड़ा है।
राज्य विधानसभाओं में भी महिला प्रतिनिधियों की स्थिति नाजुक ही है, जैसे हाल ही में संपन्न हुए पांच राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनावों में से यदि हम केरल, पश्चिम बंगाल और तमिलनाडु के चुनावी नतीजों का अध्ययन करें तो इनमे महिला विधायकों की संख्या केवल 9.51 फीसदी है। केरल राज्य, जहां बात चाहे स्वास्थ्य की करें या शिक्षा की करें, हर पक्ष में अग्रणी है, परंतु यहां कुल 140 विधानसभा सीटों में से केवल 11 महिलाएं ही जीत पाई हैं। वहीं तमिलनाडु जहां जयललिता, कनिमोझी जैसी बड़े कद की महिला नेताओं का प्रभाव है यहां 234 विधानसभा सीटों में से केवल 12 सीटें ही महिलाएं जीत पाई हैं। दूसरी तरफ पश्चिम बंगाल जहां महिला मुख्यमंत्री है वहां पर स्थिति थोड़ी सी ठीक है और 294 में से 40 महिलाओं ने जीत दर्ज की है। इसमें हम साफ तौर पर देख सकते है कि महिला पुरुषों की संख्या में भारी अंतर है।

संयुक्त राष्ट्र ने अपनी एक रिपोर्ट में कहा कि भारत जैसे देशों में जहां महिलाओं की सत्ता में भागीदारी बहुत कम है और यदि ये गति ऐसे ही चलती रही तो इस पुरुष – महिला के अंतर को खत्म करने में लगभग 50 वर्षों से अधिक समय लगेगा।


सक्रिय राजनीति में महिलाओं की दयनीय स्थिति के लिए केवल राजनीतिक पार्टियां जिम्मेदार नहीं है, बल्कि हमारा समाज भी जिम्मेदार है, जो महिलाओं का नेतृत्व स्वीकार नहीं करता। जितनी महिलाएं राजनीति में हैं उनमें से 90 फीसदी महिलाएं राजनीतिक परिवारों से सम्बन्ध रखती है और इन्हें भी मजबूरी में राजनीति में लाया गया है जैसे हम हरियाणा की प्रमुख महिला नेताओं – कुमारी शैलजा, रेणुका बिश्नोई, किरण चौधरी, नैना चौटाला, सावित्री जिंदल आदि, की बात करें तो पाएंगे कि ये सब अपने पिता, ससुर या पति की मृत्यु या उपलब्ध ना होने के बाद राजनीति में आई है, शैलजा जी ने अपने पिता के देहांत के बाद उनकी सीट पर उपचुनाव से राजनीति में प्रवेश किया, सावित्री जिंदल और किरण चौधरी अपने पति की मृत्यु के बाद उनकी जगह पर चुनाव लडा, रेणुका बिश्नोई अपने ससुर जी के देहांत के बाद राजनीति में आई, वहीं नैना चौटाला अपने पति के जेल में होने के बाद उनकी सीट से चुनाव लड़ कर राजनीति में आई। इस से स्पष्ट होता है कि महिलाएं चुनाव लड़ती नहीं बल्कि उन्हें मजबूरी में लड़वाया जाता है। चुनावों में महिलाओं को स्टार प्रचारक के तौर पर प्रयोग किया जाता है, महिलाओं के लिए अनेकों योजनाएं घोषित की जाती है परन्तु टिकट नहीं दिए जाते।


महिलाओं पर उनकी पहचान, उनके रंग रूप, उनके शरीर की बनावट से लेकर उनके कपड़ों तक पर टिका टिप्पणी होती है। जैसे शरद यादव ने राजस्थान की पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री वसुंधरा राजे के लिए कहा कि अब आप ज्यादा मोटी हो गई है, अब आपको आराम करना चाहिए, वहीं कुछ वर्ष पहले एक वामपंथी नेता ने ममता बनर्जी के लिए कहा कि ये लाल रंग से इतनी नफरत करती हैं कि अपने मांग में सिंदूर नहीं लगाती। अवसरवादिता और अति पुरुषवादी राजनीति, महिलाओं के प्रतिनिधित्व को बढ़ने नहीं दे रही।


वहीं सीएसडीएस ने अपने एक सर्वे में पाया कि महिलाओं की राजनीति में कम संख्या के पीछे अनेक कारण है जैसे 66 फीसदी महिलाएं इसलिए राजनीति में नहीं आती क्योंकि उनकी निर्णय लेने की शक्ति नहीं के बराबर है, वहीं 13 फीसदी महिलाएं घरेलू कारणों से, 7 फीसदी महिलाएं सांस्कृतिक कारणों से, और कुछ राजनीति में रुचि ना होना, शैक्षिक पिछड़ापन असुरक्षा का भय, पैसे की कमी आदि।


एक कारण और भी है कि महिलाएं ही महिला उम्मीदवार का समर्थन नहीं करती, जैसे कि हम देखें भारत में 73 लोकसभा सीटें ऐसी हैं जहां पर महिलाओं के वोटों की संख्या पुरुषों के मुकाबले ज्यादा है, परंतु इन 73 में से केवल 3 सीटों पर महिला सांसद चुन कर आई है, अर्थात जहां महिलाओं के वोट ज्यादा है वहां भी 96 फीसदी सीटें पुरुष उम्मीदवारों ने जीती हैं।


कई जगहों पर महिलाएं ही महिलाओं को विरोध करती नजर आती है जैसे श्रीमती सोनिया गांधी के लिए सुषमा स्वराज ने कहा था कि यदि सोनिया गांधी प्रधानमंत्री बनी तो मैं अपना मुंडन करवा लूंगी, भाजपा की एक अन्य नेता शायनी एन.सी. ने एक बार मायावती पर टिप्पणी करते हुए कहा कि मायावती महिला है भी या पुरुष। तो महिलाओं पर इस स्तर की घटिया टीका टिप्पणी न केवल पुरुष करते है बल्कि महिलाएं भी करती हैं।


सत्ता में महिलाओं की कम भागीदारी के लिए महिला नेता भी ज़िम्मेदार है, जैसे कि उतरप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, तमिलनाडु, राजस्थान आदि राज्यों में महिलाएं मुख्यमंत्री रहीं है या आज भी अपने पद पर बनी हुई हैं, परन्तु इन राज्यों में भी महिलाओं की सत्ता में भागीदारी नगण्य ही है, इसका एक कारण ये है कि महिला नेता भी महिलाओं के लिए कार्य नहीं करती, महिलाओं को राजनीति में जगह नहीं देती, यदि इन मजबूत महिला नेताओं ने महिलाओं के लिए राजनीति का प्रवेश द्वार खोला होता तो शायद आज ये और भी ज्यादा मजबूत नेता होती।


अब असल सवाल ये है कि सत्ता में महिलाओं की भागीदारी को कैसे बढ़ाया जाए? इसके लिए सबसे उपयुक्त समाधान आरक्षण को माना जाता है, और महिला आरक्षण के संबंध में भारतीय संसद में 1996 से कई बार बिल लाया गया परन्तु अभी तक पास नहीं हो पाया है I असल बात तो ये है कि राजनीतिक दलों की इच्छा ही नहीं है कि महिलाओं को सत्ता में भागीदारी दी जाए क्योंकि यदि वो असल में महिलाओं की सत्ता में  भागीदारी चाहते तो सबसे पहले अपने पार्टी के संगठन में महिलाओं को उचित प्रतिनिधित्व देते और यदि महिलाओं को मुख्य संगठन में उचित प्रतिनिधित्व मिलता तो शायद उनके लिए अलग से महिला मोर्चा या महिला विंग बनाने कि जरुरत नहीं पड़ती I हम देखते है की इन महिला मोर्चा या विंग की पार्टी के निर्णयों में कोई भूमिका नहीं होती। ये मोर्चे या विंग अपने सदस्य महिलाओं को भी सत्ता में भागीदारी नहीं दिलवा पाते तो आम  महिला को कैसे दिलवा पाएंगे।
वहीं एक सवाल ये भी है कि क्या आरक्षण देने से महिलाओं की भागीदारी सुनिश्चित की जा सकती है? क्यूंकि आरक्षण से सदनों में महिलाओं की संख्या तो बढ़ जाएगी ,परंतु क्या महिलाएं निर्णय ले पाएंगी, इस पर विचार करने की आवश्यकता है। जैसे यदि हम देखें कि पंचायतों में 1993 से महिलाओं के लिए सीटें आरक्षित की गई हैं, महिलाएं सरपंच या प्रधान तो बन जाती है परन्तु सारे निर्णय उनके घर के पुरुष ही लेते हैं। उनका केवल नाम होता है।


अंत में हम कह सकते हैं कि महिलाओं की सत्ता में भागीदारी तभी सुनिश्चित की जा सकती है जब उन्हें सभी दलों में उचित स्थान व पद मिले और साथ में निर्णय निर्माण की शक्ति मिले क्यूंकि बिना निर्णय निर्माण की शक्ति के महिलाएं चुनाव जीत कर भी कुछ नहीं कर पाएंगी। परंतु इस सब के बावजूद खुशी की बात ये है कि अब महिलाओं ने मतदान के लिए घरों से बाहर निकलना शुरू किया है, 1952 पहली लोकसभा में पुरुषों व महिलाओं के मतदान में 17 फीसदी का अंतर था, वहीं 2019 के सत्रहवीं लोकसभा में पुरुष महिला का ये अंतर घट कर 0.4 फीसदी रह गया है।

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