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feminism

By ELSA JOEL

Elsa: I’m too much in awe of what you are in totality Prof. Verene Shepherd. This opportunity to chat and get to know you better is an honour. When you decided to research the history of Jamaican women, did you have some kind of an urge to unearth Jamaican feminism, the genesis of it all and tell the world that feminism is nothing new to Jamaica?

Prof. Verene: Thank you for taking the time to explore my work, ideas and influences. First of all, my overall research interest as a Social Historian, is the experiences of historically marginalized people: enslaved Africans, indentured Asians (in particular Indians), left behind men and boys, women (including enslaved women and household workers). My interest in women’s experiences was influenced by the late Historian, Lucille Mathurin Mair, who wrote the first dedicated book on Jamaican women. So she unearthed the history of Jamaican feminism.  I simply continued research to show the roots of gender-based violence and the history of women’s activism against all forms of oppression and discrimination. Mair’s work made me a feminist, though.

Elsa: As professor and director of the Institute for Gender and Development Studies at the University of the West Indies for more than two decades, your contribution to the making of Caribbean feminism through writings, teachings and research has been commendable. What do you think should be the role of educational institutions in maintaining and strengthening feminism and thereby secure social transformation constantly?

Prof. Verene: Their role should be to teach the contribution of women to Caribbean History & Development and the meaning of “feminism.” This will reveal the existence of powerful women who did not allow their sex to define them; who abhorred sexism and who showed that to be feminist is simply to believe in gender justice and equality and rights for women. It is not to be “anti-man”. Men should, after-all, be also supporters of feminism.

Elsa: How well/best can educational institutions stay networked through collaborative activities and information sharing on regional, continental and global events as far as women’s rights and gender equality is concerned?

Prof. Verene: By organizing institutional exchanges of staff and students and using today’s virtual space to host collaborative events that result in knowledge exchange. By identifying shared experiences (racism, sexism, the harm of hegemonic masculinity) and engaging in advocacy to bring awareness and inspire societal change.

Elsa: President of the Association of Caribbean Historians, Chair of the Jamaica National Heritage Trust and Chair of the Jamaica National Bicentenary Committee. You have held positions, powerful and meaningful enough to put the Caribbean countries, especially the island of Jamaica on the world stage. Any landmark/strategic enforceable decisions or course of action that you take pride in while carrying out your roles and responsibilities in one of the positions above!

Prof. Verene: My role as Chair of the 2007 Jamaica National Bicentenary Committee caused renewed focus on the impact of British colonialism on the CARICOM Region. It destabilized the Eurocentric narrative about abolition of the trans-Atlantic trafficking in enslaved Africans and uncovered new, African, abolitionists. It focused world attention on reparation and influenced my work at the United Nations, when in 2010 I became a member (and later Chair) of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent.

Elsa: Invasion is different from migration. Colonizing a country, thriving on the sweat, toil and blood of forced labour, opposing abolition, sexually exploiting women of colour by white men and the death of millions of overworked and brutalised enslaved people is not just unethical or unjust or uncalled-for but outright immorality, right? Did you see tangible reparations while you co-chaired Jamaica’s National Council on Reparations?

Prof. Verene: You are correct, invasion, conquest, colonization and racism are evil and immoral and the Caribbean is still living with the legacies of such historic wrongs. There was no tangible reparation in 2007; but the conversation around the justification intensified; and the movement has grown since then. Today, though, we see examples, however small, of tangible reparation by non-State actors. The claim against former and current colonizers remains valid. 


Elsa: I am not sure if you’ve heard of the terrifying story of slaveholder Simon Taylor. I’m wondering if his family successors can be traced and made to pay the price. This is just a suggestion, because he was one of the biggest slaveholders in the Caribbean. At least his family must be made known so that they share the shame and not just the fortune this inhuman colonizer made by trading and exploiting slaves. Just the tip of an iceberg, but a good start. Your take Dr. Shepherd!

Prof. Verene: Yes; I know the history of Simon Taylor very well, especially through the Arcedekne papers at the University of Cambridge. I was struck by his stark disrespect for African women subjected to sale by his description of the ideal young women to be bought by enslavers. I have not, however, traced his family. 


Elsa: Within the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which position made you feel it’s your destiny to be playing your part in it? Or, did you enjoy every assignment that you undertook?

Prof. Verene: The Working Group on which I served (2010-2015) and the Treaty Body on which I now serve (2016-present) both fall under the Office of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).  I have enjoyed the work and challenges of both positions. They call for the elimination of racial discrimination, including against people of African descent.

Elsa: Deplorable, socially unjust and dangerous, racial discrimination has been a curse on humanity since time immemorial. Walter Scott, Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, Stephon Clark, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, Ibrahima Barrie in Belgium, the list goes on in spite of the creation of the International Decade for People of African Descent. Committees of many kinds, with different names and objectives, with experts of high moral standing and acknowledged impartiality are supposed to ensure racism is an offence, hate crime, illegal and punishable.  As a member of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent (WGEPAD), how often do you come across the effects of this crime and how often are the accused punished severely/ befittingly?

Prof. Verene: I am no longer a member of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent (WGEPAD). But while a member, I saw the effects first-hand on country visits. But I do not have to be a member of a UN body to come across the effects of hate crime etc. I travel and experience racism all the time just on the basis of skin colour. I also live in a Region scarred and disfigured by colonialism, which gave rise to racism, hate crimes, unspeakable forms of torture and punishment, racial profiling and discrimination on all the grounds set out in article 1 of the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination.  Punishment is not as frequent as occurrence because not many countries criminalize hate speech and racial discrimination.


Elsa: When you were asked to inquire into Zwarte Piet, what’s the first thought that raced through your mind?

Prof. Verene: I was not personally asked to enquire into Zwarte Piet. African people and people of African descent brought the practice to the attention of certain UN Treaty Bodies and the WGEPAD of which I was a member. It is a custom that was condemned as racist long before the WGEPAD started to pay attention to it.

Elsa: Your piece of mind for ‘That’ Belgian UNESCO official who claimed that you had no authority to speak on behalf of the UN and were abusing the name of the UN to bring your own agenda to the media.

Prof. Verene: I pay no attention to such utterances and statements that reflect ignorance.

Elsa: Your most beautiful childhood memory, a favourite school teacher, an adorable/brilliant student you nurtured and one-two awards that surprised you?

Prof. Verene: i)I recall my father taking home a beautiful piece of black and white polka dot fabric that my mother designed and made into the most fabulous dress that I wore to a school function. I must have been about 8 years old. I did not want to take it off. ii)All my teachers brought something new and interesting to my educational journey. I see them as a collective. iii)I am so proud of all of my students. They enriched my life. I am proud of those who have followed my footsteps to become Historians or at least to study History, and also those who have embraced gender justice and human rights. One of my past students even took over from me as the GRULAC member on the WGEPAD and one, an Attorney who studied History, and now works in the Office I head, was a recent UN Fellow. My first History PhD student teaches in the Institute for Gender and Development Studies and has just done me the honour of asking me to co-edit a book with her! iv) I was very surprised to have been awarded one of the 2019 President’s Book Award at the St Martin Book Fair in that year and to have been placed on the Black Achievement Wall of Honour at the UN, New York in 2017, alongside such luminaries as President Barack Obama and Miriam Makeba!

Elsa: If I am to begin reading your books, which one would you recommend first and why?

Prof. Verene: I Want to Disturb My Neighbour: Lectures on Slavery, Emancipation & Post-colonial Jamaica (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2007) – because it explains who I am and what issues agitate and shape my consciousness.


Elsa: A thought for the day! Our take-home message!

Prof. Verene: Always be your authentic self! Pretence is pathetic!

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Srinivas Rayappa

The Samburu are a Nilotic people of north-central Kenya. Samburu are semi-nomadic pastoralists who herd mainly cattle but also keep sheep, goats and camels. Rooted deeply in patriarchy, the Samburu people are semi-nomadic, largely polygamist and closely related to the Maasai tribe. Women in the tribe have been living under a harsh patriarchal system for as long as they can remember. For generations, female genital mutilation is one of the most important rituals among the Samburu tribe. Once circumcised the girl can be given away in arranged marriage to a man who is old enough to be her grandfather. The Samburu tribe has a tradition of repressing women and treating women as second class citizens. Women are not allowed to own land or other types of property, such as livestock and are considered property of their husbands.

In accordance to their culture, the father chooses an older “warrior” male with which the daughter will enter into a temporary marriage. Pregnancy is forbidden, but contraceptives are unavailable. If the child becomes pregnant, she is forced into an abortion, conducted by other women in the village. Since the girl is married at an early age, she cannot be a competent parent. While giving birth they face a lot of challenges: they rupture, they bleed, because they are young and don’t have access to healthcare facilities.

Even performing their duties and chores, is very hard for them. They are often left to take care of animals.

Some of the harrowing experiences endured by the women in the tribe include the story of a 11 year old girl who was traded for cows by her father. Her husband was 57 years old. Another young lady has five children, all with different fathers. Girls are married off to men, the age of their grandfathers. Women have little or no say in matters pertaining to the Samburu community. At village meetings men sit in an inner circle to discuss important village issues, while the women sit on the outside, only occasionally allowed to express an opinion.

If the repression and harrassment meted out to women in the Sambaru community by local men were not enough, during the 1980’s there was an “epidemic of rape” on Sambaru women by British troops on exercise in central Kenya. Since, 500-600 women from the Samburu tribe in Kenya have fought for decades to prove that they were raped by British soldiers who, under an arrangement with the Kenyan government, train regularly in the nearby countryside. Those impregnated by their rapists and who gave birth to children that are of a lighter colour than native children have been shunned, abandoned by husbands and families and forced to leave their villages. On August 14th 2003, a hundred Masai women trekked to the British High Commission in Nairobi, to lodge a complaint that they had been raped by British soldiers. Another 800 women, mostly from the Masai tribe or their Samburu cousins, have made similar claims. The matter is being investigated by Britain’s Ministry of Defence at snail’s pace. More incidents of sexual assault are coming to light with the most recent being 30 women from the Samburu tribe alleging that they were raped by Gurkhas based at Archers Post in 1997.

Distraught at being subjugated to domestic violence, child marriage, female genital mutilation and rape from men, both within and outside the community, a group of 15 brave women under the able leadership of Rebecca Lolosoli, took matters into their own hands and setout to start their own village, devoid of men. Thus, in 1990, was born Umoja Uaso (“unity” in Swahili, the Uaso Nyiro is a nearby river), an all female matriarch village located near the town of Archers Post in Samburu County, 380 km (240 mi) from the capital, Nairobi. Umoja Uaso is one of the world’s first “All-Women” communities where men are not allowed to reside nor are they allowed to dictate their views or opinions on matters pertaining to the community.

What started as a sanctuary for 15 women, who survived sexual assault and rape by British soldiers, has today grown to give shelter, livelihood and a future to any and all women trying to escape harrassment, repression and rape.

Rebecca Lolosoli, who started this movement recollects, “As a woman you have no right. If the husband wants to kill you, he has the right to kill you anytime because women are like a property. Men wanted to destroy our village but we resisted. We are not going to move an inch even if it means they kills us. Let them kill us all and make history of killing all the women in the village.”

Rebecca is the matriarch of Umoja women’s village and an advocate for women’s rights. Growing up as a member of the Samburu tribe she was married off at the age of 18. Deeply moved by the suffering of women all around her, she began speaking up about helping women who were victims of rape by British soldiers. Angered by her vocalism, the men in her neighborhood beat her up till she was hospitalized. To make things worse, her husband did not protest when she was being beaten and hence she left him. Along with her other victims of violence, she established the women-only village of Umoja Uaso. Umoja which was once a safe heaven for women has now become a globally known example of a successful matriarchy.

Even to this day, the men in the Samburu tribe consider Rebecca as a threat because they firmly believe that she is ruining the age old culture and tradition. She has faced repeated threats and attacks from local men since she set up the “women-only” village, but she remains undeterred.

What began as a refuge for survivors of sexual violence and torture, Umoja has grown to provide a safe habitat and nutures 47 women and 200 children. One would imagine that these communities would only have older women, but there are plenty of young women as well, who left their homes because they did not wish to be subjugated to torture from their husbands.

Although the inhabitants live extremely frugally, these enterprising women earn a regular income that provides food, clothing and shelter for all. Village leaders run a campsite, a kilometre away by the river, where groups of safari tourists stay. Many of these tourists, and others passing through nearby nature reserves, also visit Umoja. The women charge a modest entrance fee and hope that, once in the village, the visitors will buy jewellery made by the women in the craft centre.

Intimidated by their self-sustenance model, the insecure men from neighboring villages began beating the women and snatching away their hard earned money. The men felt threatened with the gaining independence of women. Since, Umoja has now been barricaded by thorns and women stand guard all night to protect their community. Over the years, women have grown in strength and are enjoying their freedom. There are no bells and whistles to their lifestyle but the women and children earn a regular income to take care of their basic needs.

The women of the village have been taught how to construct their own houses where they can live peacefully. With the hand crafted jewellery that they make and sell by the roadside, they have attained financial independence. With their savings, they have now started a school for the children in the village because they now understand the importance of education. Rebecca firmls believes that the children should not be handicapped because of lack of knowledge and that they should see light in their life by having good education and have an understanding of what’s going on in this world. As if setting an example, Rebecca’s daughter now studies in Germany. The self-sufficiency and freedom has inculcated a ray of hope among the distraught women which has inspired them to give a better future for their children.

Rebecca_Lolosoli_2.jpg

On occasions, men are allowed to meet the women of the community. However, who comes in and who goes out is dictated by Rebecca. The rules of the village are crafted solely by the women. The young girls are allowed to meet their boyfriends but outside the village. When they get pregnant, their children can live in the village but the male must leave the village once they are eighteen years of age. All decisions are collectively made by the women of the community under the “tree of speech”, a place where they gather for discussions on issues plaguing their community.

The internet has put Umoja firmly on the global map and now people travel far and wide to come and see how the land of “no-men” thrives in the region of Samburu. Rebecca has been able to interact with powerful women across the globe and is now friends with the former First Lady of the United States, Hillary Clinton. Thanks to Rebecca’s every growing international clout, the elaborate beaded jewellery produced by the women of Umoja has found a worldwide marketplace. Also, Umoja Uaso has turned into a tourist destination visited by people across the globe.

Inspired by the success of Umoja Uaso, several all-feamle societies have cropped up across Kenya. While some villages forbid men completely, others allow men to be part of the community but it is the women who have an overriding say in all matters pertaining to their community.

Gender inequality is the blemish of the 21st century, a remnant of the past that the tide of time should have long washed away. It’s easier for girls in urban places to fight for equal rights but for a tribal women like Rebecca Lolosoli to raise her voice in a patriarchal society and highlight that misogyny is not normal, is indeed a rare achievement and ofcourse commendable.

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Deeksha Tiwari

“A feminist is anyone who recognizes the equality and full humanity of women and men.”
― Gloria Steinem

Feminism has been around for a while and it has significantly changed the blueprint of the world we live in. Throughout history, there have been several waves of feminism. The article deliberates on the possibility of a new wave that incorporates the best of both worlds : intersectionality and liberalism. 

 The movement began in the 1830s with the focal point being women’s suffrage. Women realised that in order to achieve equality they had to attain a certain amount of political power. This is widely known as the first wave of feminism. The highlight of the first wave was mainly that women received the right to vote.

The second wave began after World War II in the 1960s and lasted till the late 1980s.. Feminists now shifted their focus to sexual and reproductive rights. They fought for autonomy over their bodies and abortion rights and helped in legalising contraception. The second wave also focused on workplace and wage inequality. 

The third wave which began in the early to mid 1990s was headed by women who already had the rights that the previous waves granted them and now wanted it all. They identified the legacy of their predecessors but were also quick in criticizing them and pointing out their limitations. The movement began to radicalize and diversify and spread into mainstream media and pop culture. Women started to reclaim slurs like ‘slut’ and this led to the inception of slutwalks. 

While there are many schools of thought and waves, the core belief of feminism is that women should not be treated as second grade citizens when compared to their male counterparts. Postmodern feminism has reinvented itself into a fourth wave of intersectionality or intersectional feminism- a theory of social justice and feminism that tries to understand inequality and oppression through a multi-dimensional lens.

Civil rights activist Kimberlé Crenshaw has stated on multiple occasions that if we aren’t intersectional, the most vulnerable of the lot are going to fall through the cracks.

In critical theories, intersectionality is a notion used to characterise the ways in which oppressive institutions (racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, xenophobia, classism, etc.) are intertwined and cannot be independently investigated. Intersectional feminism recognises that no individual or identity exists in a vacuum and our individual socio-cultural backgrounds affect the way things like laws and policies affect us. 

When translated into Indian context, it means that Muslim women suffering from the consequences of bigamy, or economically underprivileged women without access to sanitary pads, suffer far more than majority-class women residing in upscale neighbourhoods of metropolitan cities. Second, and maybe more importantly, the evil of caste enters the picture as well. Women from Dalit bahujan communities are oppressed on three levels by men from their own communities, savarna men, and savarna women.

With a simultaneous rise of the liberal feminism movement, many question whether its principles even adhere remotely with the principles of intersectional feminism. While some argue that a fifth wave is on its way, and the two do not gel together, I believe there is more in common than what is apparent. 

Bigotry is possibly the most blatant breach of individualism. So, it is only natural that the first thing that comes to mind when we think of both the movements, is the common condemnation for it. The very core of the liberal feminist movement is the celebration and protection of individuality and a demand for minimum government interference in the process. Ultimately, it is this very belief in individualism that contributes to the dismissal of the idea of gender roles or any other stereotype that restricts individual choice. This involves racial, cultural, and sexual stereotypes and other community stereotypes of individuals. The focus on individuality rather than collectivism makes sure that no individual or minority “falls through the cracks”. 

Jacob Levy draws a one of a kind parallel between the two movements in his essay. He argues that intersectionality is important to explain how a policy or social order can harm individuals defined by their intersectional identities more than those who are not defined by such an intersection. 

Intersectionality only broadens the libertarian outlook further and gives tremendous insights into issues that otherwise tend to be overlooked. For instance, when advocating for open borders, most liberals often focus on the loss of employment caused by closed borders; the theory of intersectionality, on the other hand, focuses on how limits on migration impact doubly marginal groups, such as women of colour. Not only are women of colour deprived of economic opportunities, but they are also left with the strenuous task of raising children with little to no money on their own when it is difficult for a father to be with his family due to migration restrictions. 

A combination of these two, can help resolve the loopholes that exist currently. If there is to be a new wave, it must combine the best of both the worlds. The liberal theory’s regard of individualism and disregard of government oppression and intersectionality’s indispensable insight into the complex structure of various cultures and societies and the multiple levels and layers of oppression; when placed together, give rise to a refined lens to investigate patriarchal oppression. 

Movements are made of people. People have biases. The need of the hour is to unlearn them and I believe intersectionality provides us with the means of doing the same. Feminism still remains restricted to women with unlimited access to resources like the Internet, a free and equitable judicial system, and social aid. It continues to be just another ambiguous and incomprehensible word for women who are either forced to drop out of school to be married off or women who are not allowed to pursue education in the first place. No movement can be completely successful until every individual, even the most oppressed, is liberated. It is like Audre Lorde said, “I am not free while any woman is unfree, even when her shackles are very different from my own”. 

Deeksha Tiwari is currently pursuing her degree in law at NMIMS School of Law, Navi Mumbai. She is a part of Students for Liberty’s first cohort of Fellowship for Freedom in India.

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All In A Name

by Elsa Joel

Dr. Elsa Lycias Joel

I am not a staunch feminist and I don’t wake up to antagonize men. Reiterating this has become a habit as part of explaining why I continue using my maiden name after marriage. I don’t complain about other people’s assumptions on my identity. But do they know there are a lot of women in the world who carry on with their maiden names, an identity and are glad and proud to be so? There are dads who wish their daughters didn’t adopt their husbands’ surnames once they are married off. 

My mom did change her surname for some special reason that nobody knew, except that she never wanted any so called feminist friends to blame my dad for the name change. She still remains happy with her surname because only after the name change she etched her dad’s name in her heart, I guess. My hubby just wasn’t concerned enough about my surname as long as I remained his doting wife while some of my friends, much senior to me dismissed my identity as mere rebellion and was so kind to tell me that they had harbored similar thoughts when they were young. And I work out ways in vain to make them understand that I’m not a sort of person who drifts into doing what the majority does, whatever their reasons. 

These days, I try hard to brush aside any reaction from family and friends by distracting them. If any of you face a similar problem, try talking about films or trees or clubhouse or if Cardi B got a boob job and lipo or  global warming and see for yourselves how they happily make a few interesting points forgetting about the issue of ‘surnames’. That shows the intensity of their concern over a particular issue they rant about. As long as there are people who take others’ opinions too seriously for themselves, silly suggestions and opinions will keep flowing on how to be that responsible wife a society looks up to. So whether it is entertainment or knowledge or timely information, people do their bit to assist and foster the spirit of whiling away time and socializing. Without the inherent curiosity that permeates humans about another one’s way of life, where would all this socializing and house visiting and juicy gossip be?

To adopt a surname that’s laden with a history to which one has no connection is not easy. Symbolically stepping into a new stage of life doesn’t mean we have a bounden duty to flatter a handful. About those who write my name wrong by assuming I had taken my partner’s surname to my own, I respect their thoughts for they seem to believe changing one’s surname is a tradition worth honoring a husband or a way to unify a family or a patriarchal tradition with no functional purpose. People have a million reasons to change or not change their surnames but I for one have only one, that is, I just don’t wish to bury any small bit of my identity as my parent’s daughter. Years after my dad passed away, many of his friends who haven’t  met me even once, join the dots through my name.

FYI, gifts, cards and emails that come addressed to Mr. and Mrs. Prem doesn’t bother me at all.

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By Bhumika Singh

When somebody identifies as a feminist in today’s world, they are met with sneers and ignorant criticism. Most people have a convoluted idea of feminism in their minds and are so rigid about their preconceptions that feminism has started to be dismissed as a partisan and toxic political movement altogether. To retrieve feminism from this quagmire of irrationality, we also need to bring some internal shifts in the movement. The fountainhead of feminism can be located in the abolitionist movement which targeted slavery and laid down the path for subsequent struggle for women’s rights. Although feminist theory has changed, evolved, and branched off extensively over the past couple of centuries, the precedents indicate towards the essence of feminism which is equal rights for all. The first and second wave of feminism were primarily concerned with equal legal and social rights of women. The third wave (intersectional feminism) focused on subjective experiences of discrimination based on not just gender but race, class, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. The fourth wave must be an offshoot of the third wave because globalization has led to diverse and heterogeneous populations and hence, it is essential to extend the scope of feminism beyond gender. However, the focus needs to be shifted from governmental affirmative action to changing the social consciousness. 

Feminists all around the world tend to demand affirmative action from their governments to compensate for centuries of discrimination and exclusion. Indian economist Deepak Nayyar’s analysis indicates that despite affirmative action in India being a constitutional right which has been in place for more than half a century, the outcome has been underwhelming at best. Economist Guilhem Cassan’s study also points toward the pitiful state of women belonging to lower castes who are unable to avail any benefits from affirmative action. According to Nayyar, affirmative action alone cannot eliminate discrimination because the privileged will always remain reticent in denouncing their opportunities, however immoral it may seem. Nayyar points out, “…in societies where opportunities are scarce, there is bound to be resistance. It would be easier if we create more opportunities.” Although Nayyar directly refers to educational opportunities, his argument can be extended to economic opportunities. Instead of redistributing the available opportunities by means of government intervention (a zero-sum process), it would certainly be much better to allow more opportunities to be created.

In order for that to be achieved, a free market is as essential as education. The biggest point of convergence for feminists and libertarians is the importance they ascribe to the economic independence of individuals. A free-market economy allows voluntary exchange between individuals without any unnecessary government regulations; it would provide women with the economic and social autonomy essential to an individual’s liberation and growth. Here, it is also important to understand that capitalism is not the shadow of patriarchy, even if the popular discourse within the feminist movement vehemently claims so. The marketplace has been dominated by men like any other social or political sphere because of prejudices against women: this needs to be changed. And a free market allows, even facilitates, that change. Sandra E. Black and Elizabeth Brainerd’s application of Nobel Laureate economist, Gary Becker’s theory of “taste for discrimination” on gender has borne productive research in this direction. Traders who bear this taste are willing to pay extra to satisfy their discriminatory ideology, usually by employing more men (at higher salaries). According to their thesis, increased competition in the marketplace makes the aforementioned “taste” too costly for a discriminator because there are non-discriminatory firms which would obviously make more profit merely by virtue of being non-discriminatory. Hence, a free market which operates on competition is bound to lessen the wage gap by compelling the discriminators to change their ways or go out of business. Heavy government regulation, on the other hand, only hinders this progress by hampering the efficiency of the market system. 

Furthermore, while it can be an attractive idea to rely on the state to ensure equality in other spheres, it would be naive to expect results especially when the base of our struggle remains segregation. Terry Eastland’s view on race can be applied to gender here, “To count by race, to use the means of numerical equality to achieve the end of moral equality, is counterproductive, for to count by race is to deny the end by virtue of the means. The means of race counting will not, cannot, issue in an end where race does not matter.” Constant state intervention cannot change ideologies and prejudices which have been harboured over centuries. Moreover, state intervention might provide us with vestiges of positive liberty i.e., the capacity for acting on our freewill, but more than that, it will curtail our negative liberty by imposing newer constraints and restrictions on us, of which we already have too many. In such a scenario, affirmative action can even be counter-productive for real social change. 

But ultimately, despite the hope of free markets and economic empowerment, we cannot overlook the downtrodden state of women in India who suffer several layers of marginalization. This marginalization can only be fought through conscious social action and change. For this purpose, women’s collectives have been extremely helpful, especially in the rural areas. In order to exercise their agency, women need a basic level of social acceptance and support, which is found to be absent especially in rural communities. There are numerous NGOs and Nonprofits working to provide women with the necessary support. Snehalaya is one such NGO in Maharashtra which focuses on the economic upliftment of sex workers and the LGBTQ+ community. These NGOs enable women to exercise their individual choice of vocation and to earn through their products and services. 

In conclusion, we need to shift our focus from government coercion and affirmative action to individual autonomy and negative freedom to create real equality and not just a forced illusion of it. Quality education is vital to create subsequent generations who do not possess patriarchal mindsets and exclusionary prejudices. Education itself will flourish in a free market because the syllabi will not be designed to satisfy any political agenda. As Sharon Presley and Lynn Kinksy point out, state coercion as a remedial “just changes the sort of oppression, not the fact”. The next feminist revolution must borrow from classical liberal values for individuals to be free from discrimination and exclusion. After all, we do not wish to substitute one hegemony with another. 

Bhumika Singh is currently pursuing her Master of Arts in English from Kirorimal College at the University of Delhi. She is a part of Students for Liberty’s first cohort of Fellowship for Freedom in India.

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