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By Neha Bhupathiraju

Case: Kush Kalra v. Union of India

Bench: Justice Kishan Kaul and Justice Hrishikesh Roy

The Supreme Court removed the bar for women to appear before the NDA exam scheduled on September 5. The Court passed an interim order in Kush Kalra v. Union of India pending before the Court since earlier this year, and pointed out that the admission into the Army would however be subject to the decision in the petition. 

This petition was filed on the grounds of violation of fundamental rights protected by Articles 14, 15 and 16 by denying women an opportunity to be eligible for the National Defence Academy. The only ground for the ineligibility is the sex of the applicant without any reasonable justification. 

Justices Kishan Kaul and Hrishikesh Roy slammed the Army for its decision to exclude women from the exam, despite the Court’s ruling in Babita Puniya last year, which allowed women to be eligible for Permanent Commission just like their male counterparts. Justice Kaul pointed out “Why are you continuing in this direction? Even after Justice Chandrachud’s judgment expanding the horizons and extending Permanent Commission in the Army to women? This is unfounded now! We are finding it absurd!….Will the Army only act when a judicial order is passed? Not otherwise? We will do that if that is what you want! This has been my impression right from the High Court that till a judgment is passed, the Army doesn’t believe in doing anything voluntarily!’

When ASG Aishwarya Bhati appearing for the Government submitted that it is a policy decision, the Court said “The policy decision is based on gender discrimination. We direct the Respondents to take a constructive view of the matter in view of judgment of this court (Babita Puniya)”. The Court also expressed discontentment for compelling judicial intervention time and again. 

Babita Puniya i.e The Permanent Commission Case

In 2008, the Ministry of Defence authorized Permanent Commissions (PCs) for women but only in selective and prospective cases, which was not the case for their male colleagues. In a verdict dated 2010, the Delhi High Court allowed PCs to women on par with men, which was challenged in the Supreme Court. The submissions made by the Government at the Apex Court were based on deeply sexist notions. It argued “…to take into account the inherent dangers involved in serving in the Army, adverse conditions of service which include an absence of privacy in field and insurgency areas, maternity issues and child care.” 

Justice Chandrachud noted that, “Underlying the statement that it is a “greater challenge” for women officers to meet the hazards of service “owing to their prolonged absence during pregnancy, motherhood and domestic obligations towards their children and families” is a strong stereotype which assumes that domestic obligations rest solely on women. Reliance on the “inherent physiological differences between men and women” rests in a deeply entrenched stereotypical and constitutionally flawed notion that women are the “weaker‟ sex and may not undertake tasks that are too arduous‟ for them. Arguments founded on the physical strengths and weaknesses of men and women and on assumptions about women in the social context of marriage and family do not constitute a constitutionally valid basis for denying equal opportunity to women officers. To deny the grant of PCs to women officers on the ground that this would upset the “peculiar dynamics” in a unit casts an undue burden on women officers which has been claimed as a ground for excluding women. The written note also relies on the “minimal facilities for habitat and hygiene” as a ground for suggesting that women officers in the services must not be deployed in conflict zones. The respondents have placed on record that 30% of the total women officers are in fact deputed to conflict areas”.

While the judgement allowed women to be equally eligible for PCs, financial incentives, pension etc, the reality post the verdict is disappointing. Data revealed that only 45% were commissioned out of eligible 75% – whereas 90%  male officers were commissioned. Further, women are subjected to blanket policies unlike their male counterparts. Women, including those above 40, must pass the The SHAPE-1 category demand, passing the Battle Physical Efficiency Test (BPET), and undertaking an AE (Adequately Exercised) tenure for a minimum of two years. When Challenged before the Supreme Court, the Army contended that women are seeking special treatment and it will threaten the nation’s security. ‘This raises pertinent questions — are all men who have PCs but are not currently in SHAPE-1 category undermining the nation’s security? It is worth debating how or to what extent women would undermine national security, considering they are still not allowed to take up combat roles.

All hope however is not lost. There is a massive shift in the way these institutions perceive women. Women’s entry into the armed forces began in 1992, and it has evolved since. The judiciary appears to be a beacon of hope in this case.

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By Kanika Bhatia  

A very hardened rule of any right wing political government lives upto to the hammer analogy. If all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail problem. The hammer, every strong armed government possesses is -censorship. 

Unless you’re living under a rock, you have heard about the Cinematographer Amendment Bill, 2021. The new draft proposes to amend the Cinematograph Act of 1952 with provisions that will give the Centre “revisionary powers” and enable it to “re-examine” films already cleared by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC). It empowers the Centre to revoke a certificate granted to a film by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC), if it is found to violate Section 5 B (1) of the Cinematograph Act, 1952, which discourages certifying a film that is “against the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the state, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or involves defamation or contempt of court or is likely to incite the commission of any offence. In layperson terms, it allows the State to revisit certification already guaranteed to a film, truncating its existence. It gives the state absolute control, especially after the abolition of Film Certificate Appellate Tribunal which was the last place of appeal for filmmakers. 

Termed as “super censor” by filmmaker Adoor Gopalkrishnan, the proposed draft raised questions and understated fury amongst the film fraternity. Nearly every big wig took to Twitter, leveraging their fellow directors and actors to raise support against it. Of course, like any bill, there are parts of it which either draw no or milder reactions. The draft Bill also includes provisions to penalise film piracy with jail term and fine, and introduce age-based certification. Currently, films are certified into three categories — ‘U’ for unrestricted public exhibition; ‘U/A’ that requires parental guidance for children under 12; and ‘A’ for adult films. The new draft proposes to divide the categories into further age-based groups: U/A 7+, U/A 13+ and U/A 16+. Somehow this age classification mirrors the intent behind the new IT rules announced in February this year: infantilising of the citizenry. 

Censorship works on a basic belief system of the state, viz. ‘we know what is best for you’. It’s the state managed form of age old patriarchy, if I may stretch a tad bit. It’s based on the belief that citizens have no premise on how to decide what to consume in data. Anything can stir emotions against the ruling regime (whichever it maybe), and hence censorship remains an ideal way to propagate ‘control’. A very interesting article by LiveMint from 2018, titled “100 years of film censorship in India” discusses how narratives were controlled in different time periods based on different ideologies that were ruling at varied times. Whether it was the British who were vary of nationalistic themes in Indian movies; Amrit Nahata’s ‘Kissa Kursi Ka’ which stirred sensitivity amongst Congress leaders who eventually publicly burnt reels of the same; or modern day Padmavat which made a particular community sore. India is a country where offence taking is synonymous to religious and political ideologies – i.e. if you have one. If you don’t, a right wing form of art might offend some liberals, you can never say. Post emergency, revival of stifled art of that period was hoped for by Janta Party that came to power. However, no such thing happened because censorship is any governments strongest weapon. 

However, is democracy really under attack with this proposed bill? Shyam Benegal begs to differ. “If a film is given a certificate, does it mean that it is forever,” he said in an interview. He believes cinema needs to adapt to changing times, and some movies will be redundant when they don’t adhere. The bill also faced criticism as it bypassed a basic law regarding bills. Any bill proposed should offer thirty mandatory days for public consultation. A mere 14 days till July 2nd were offered on the same. This authoritarian discrepancy in basic protocols is also brought into question when consulting the abrupt censorship we have seen since 2014, in nearly every sphere. Recently, Italy removed its 108 year old law on censorship because they believed they have advanced as a society to accept that censorship goes against the basic tenets of Democracy. 

Resonating thoughts of the industry at large, an open letter written by 1400 filmmakers, including the likes of Shabana Azmi, Anurag Kashyap, Farhan Akhtar and others, has been addressed to the government demanding a withdrawal of this bill. The fate of the Bill remains in question as of now. 

To close, here’s where I think I would leave you. With questions, like any good citizen. What is the end goal and where does it end? Is our citizenry so incapable of self-regulating and deciphering art that State control becomes imperative? For a government that proclaims to be pro-democracy, where does censorship and control on art lie on the scale of zero to masked dictatorship? Will filmmakers bank on International film festivals and OTT platforms to release their work? Is candy floss films the future of India’s large movie bank? And lastly, is it possible, at all, that released and approved cinema ahead of this bill being passed, will gain more renown in India and abroad once it passes the baton of our cultural gatekeepers? Because to quote Federico Fellini, a renowned director from Italy, “Censorship is advertising paid by the government.” 

Image Courtesy: Racolblegal

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