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By Greetha Singh

Diwali is not just a time for celebration but also an opportunity to completely redo your entire home once a year.

However for women with a very busy schedule finding time to redecorate their home during Diwali could be a very challenging task especially when no one is around.

But there is good news! Women don’t need days of preparation to give their home a Diwali makeover. With just few simple and easy-to-implement ideas they can transform their entire space into a festive retreat without taking any stress.

In the following article, women with very tight schedules will learn 10 easy décor ideas for this Diwali.

Sofa Cover Change

A simple sofa cover change will instantly transform your living room giving it a new fresh look. You can choose lively and vibrant colors like gold, red and deep blue to reflect the festive spirit of Diwali.

Choose a design and pattern that complements your existing décor as well as blends in with the surroundings. Sofa cover change is quick and easy for women who are always on to go and have little time to decorate their homes.

Festive Cushion Covers

Cushion covers are as important as sofa covers when it comes to adding festive touch to your living and bedroom. They are very easy to change and also budget friendly.

You can choose cushion covers with bright colors and festive patterns or even Diwali-themed motifs. Swapping the old ones with new ones wouldn’t take much time as cushion covers are very easy to slip. With this simple Idea women with limited time can instantly give their home a Diwali makeover.

Table Runners and Mats

During Diwali your home especially dining area will be frequently visited by your relatives and close friends. A quick change of table runners will not only impress your guests but also protect furniture from spills during Diwali feasts.

You can choose table runners with traditional prints and vibrant colors to match the surroundings for a consistent look. This décor idea just takes few minutes to implement making your dining are feel special for the Diwali.

Bedroom Décor

Quick and easiest way to give a Diwali touch to your bedroom is by starting a thorough cleaning and decluttering. Make sure there is minimal clutter in your bedroom You can organize all the essential items by placing them into various storage accessories like Drawer units, Pallet racks, Shelving etc.

Next is to add fresh and vibrant bedding set for a festive feel. To make it cozy and give an inviting look, consider options like Comforters and dohars.

However if you are unsure about the matching pieces but still want a cohesive and modern look, go for a comforter set with matching bed sheets and pillow covers. This is an effortless way to transform your entire bedroom.

By this simple makeover you can refresh your space and give a festive touch, especially if you are a busy woman seeking a comfortable yet festive makeover this Diwali!

Decorative Foot Mats

Swapping your regular foot mats with a stylish and decorative one is the easiest home makeover you can give this Diwali. Mats with bright colors and traditional patterns can be placed at the entrance hall or around the living area.

A new foot mat not only adds a festive touch but also keep your home clean as guests come and go during the Diwali gatherings.

Women with limited time and minimal investment can implement this Idea easily.

Festive Wall Hangings

Wall Hangings and torans are very simple décor accessories that can give your home a festive feel instantly. You can place wall hangings in your living and dining room while hang torans at the entrance of your home.

Try out new designs featuring traditional motifs, mirrors or beads to give a festive look. These décor are very easy to hang and remove especially for women who are looking for quick decoration of their home.

Fresh Flower in Vases

How much time does it take to place bright marigolds, roses or lily in vases and arranging those vases either in your living or dining area? It takes no time!

Flowers instantly transform the ambience by adding a refreshing natural touch to the décor of the living area.

But the best part of this idea is it is very easy to implement and also budget friendly for women with busy schedule.

Quick Fairy Lights Setup

Diwali is festival of lights therefore fairy lights are a must have for this occasion. Quick Fairy Lights are very common Diwali Decoration Idea in India because they are cheap and super easy to install.

You can wrap them around your windowsills, staircase handrails, balcony railings, around plants to create a warm and welcoming glow. Always choose LED fairy lights as they are easy to drape around and also consumes less electricity.

Women who are busy can implement this easy décor Idea for the Diwali makeover this year.

Decorative Candles and Tea Lights

Another must have for the Diwali decoration are Candles and Tea Lights. They create warm and inviting atmosphere in the home for your guests.

You can place these accessories in decorative holders or arrange them on trays in your living and dining room. Scented candles in fragrances like sandalwood or jasmine accentuates the festive feel.

This is a simple décor idea that requires minimal preparation to give your home a makeover.

DIY Floral Rangoli

Do it Yourself Floral Rangoli or Floral arrangement not only enhances the beauty of your home but also exudes positive vibes into the surroundings.

A Rangoli made with fresh flowers like roses, marigold, jasmine etc is an easy and elegant décor idea perfectly suited for women of all kinds.

You can create a simple design at your entrance or even use a pre-made Rangoli stencil without making a mess out of the Rangoli powder.

Pre-Made Festive Décor Kits

For women with very tight schedules, pre-made festive décor kits can come handy. These kits include everything they need to decorate their homes for Diwali. From Rangoli stencils to Diya Holders to Wall Hangings you will find everything in the kit.

You just have to unpack the kit and place all the accessories around your home. Ready-to-use kits are not just great time-savers but also give your home a simple yet elegant festive look.

Best option for women with busy timeline!

Conclusion:

A home makeover for a festival like Diwali doesn’t have to be this hectic and stressful. With these 10 aforementioned home décor ideas women with busy schedule can create a festive and inviting atmosphere in their home with a minimum investment.

From quick soft cover change to adding fairy lights to using pre-made kits, all 10 ideas are very simple to implement and at the same time make your home Diwali-Ready in no time.

Working women will find all the 10 home décor ideas effortless and budget friendly that create maximum impact with minimal effort.

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By Lauren Prem

Women in India, like in most developing countries across the world, have suffered long-standing oppression to the point where taglines such as “striving for gender equality”, “women empowerment” and “women rights” are so popular and basic for any write-up title. In search of a unique and catchy title, I opened ChatGPT to send a prompt – “write an empowering and catchy quote on women who have discriminatory personal laws in India” and received the following response:

“Women are not just subjects of personal laws; they are champions of change, fighting for justice and equality in every corner of India.”

I was pleasantly shocked to see the response especially because it reflected the current scenario of Muslim women in India that resulted in a Supreme Court verdict reiterating the maintenance rights of Muslim women under section 125 of the CrPC in Mohd. Abdul Samad v. State of Telangana [2024 SCC OnLine SC 1686] as already held in the famous Shah Bano case [Mohammed Ahmed Khan v Shah Bano Begum, 1985 (2) SCC 556].

A petition for appeal, before the Supreme Court, was moved by the husband on grounds that a woman cannot avail maintenance benefits under section 125 of the CrPC in the presence of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 (hereinafter referred to as ‘the 1986 act’), which is a specific law. The contention is premised on the well-established rule of interpretation that a specific law will prevail over a general law on the same matter, in case of any conflict as regards which law will apply.

The court, on 10th July 2024, passed a verdict stating that a Muslim woman can avail maintenance benefits under section 125 of the CrPC despite there being a specific law. The court recognised that the 1986 act provided for maintenance only till the iddat period, which ran contrary to the jurisprudence behind maintenance. The purpose of maintenance is to equip women to lead a dignified life even after the cessation of her marriage and the 1986 act does not solve the purpose as it fails to provide for adequate maintenance, despite the objective of the act grounded in ensuring access to justice. The court, in this case, went beyond mere application of the 1986 act and considered foundational jurisprudential concepts like justice and equity.

Our legal history has repeatedly shown us that landmark judgements are not an outcome of mere interpretation of the law. Rather, they are a result of meticulous interpretation of judges who bear ‘justice’ in their hearts and minds, not just the legal provisions. The basic structure doctrine that forms the very basis of present-day adjudication, would not have existed today, had the judiciary stayed aloof of judicial activism or anything beyond strictly interpreting the law.

The doctrine exists solely because judges feared that the constitution would be misused in the absence of a strong framework to determine constitutionality of a particular legislation. In simple terms, they had justice in their hearts and minds, in addition to possessing knowledge of the law.

The present judgement is also one that reflects a justice-oriented approach, not merely in the outcome but through its words. The court stressed upon the aspect of adequacy and sufficiency of maintenance in answering the legal question of which law would apply to Muslim women. Had the court taken a formalistic approach (restricted to interpretation of the law alone), it would have rendered the 1986 act applicable, thereby providing no opportunity to Muslim women to opt for the CrPC provision.

In addition, the CrPC provision has also undergone an amendment in the year 2001 [by Section 2(i)(a), act no. 50] to delete the words “not exceeding 500 rupees in the whole”, thereby eliminating any kind of upper cap on the amount of maintenance. The court highlights the aspect of how this new amendment being passed subsequent to the the 1986 act, renders the latter legislation insignificant. The approach of the court in this regard also revolves around the question of which law would benefit women better, rather than delving into the technicalities of applying each law as every ordinary judge would do so.

As Huey Newton said “Laws should be made to serve the people. People should not be made to serve the laws.” This moral principle is prominent in the context of deciding which law would apply to a particular scenario or class of persons. The court abided by this principle by opening opportunities for Muslim women to choose the CrPC provision, rather than making them subjects of the 1986 act.

The court has been particular in ensuring that no decision is taken so as to deprive women of enjoying the rights guaranteed under our constitution. This cardinal principle of not holding back or non-retrogression has been evolved through many judgements and established as a definite rule. This principle has been followed through a purposive interpretation which holds that the nature of the 1986 act is akin to a social legislation and welfare lies at its heart.

This decision also ensures that undue financial burden is not placed on the husband as section 127(3)(b) of the CrPC deals with a situation where maintenance has already been paid through customary or personal law. The provision bestows power upon the magistrate to cancel orders made under section 125 of the CrPC, in situations where maintenance is already paid. In essence, the court has merely opened the possibility of opting for a comparatively higher welfare provision and has not in any way prompted double payment of maintenance by the husband. The judicial intent is rooted solely in upholding the interests of women, as article 15(3) aims to do.

The judiciary has succeeded in meeting people’s expectations through a purposive interpretation that looks beyond the letters of the law and goes on to honour the spirit of law. Further, it has proven that women are not subjects of personal laws. With increasing access to education, women have proven to be champions of change striving for equality in every nook and corner of India and the judiciary has facilitated the same by setting a good precedent.

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By Priya Rathi

Behind every ancestral property now stands women with equal rights as men. It is commonly misunderstood that the property is devolved to the son(s) of the family and not the daughter(s). Hindu Undivided Family (HUF) is one such prominent practice to understand inheritance which is created by Hindu, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists family. The group of individuals must share common roots. According to the Hindu Succession Act 1956, any individual born in Hindu Undivided Family (HUF) becomes a coparcener by birth. Hence both sons and daughters qualify as coparceners in the family and share equal rights and liabilities over the property. To understand this better – Coparcener has a right to demand partition, acquire property upon division, or any such significant right and entitlement is only provided to the Coparceners of the HUF. Earlier, as per Section 6 of the Hindu Succession Act 1956, only male members of the HUF were considered as coparceners and the same status was not given to females. Back then, females were only members in the HUF. The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005 effective from September 9, 2005 is designed to ensure that women are treated as equal to  men in inheritance rights. After this amendment, daughters are also considered as coparceners. Further are a few more interesting facts about the rights of woman in ancestral property. 

Females are Coparceners by birth. This right rules out all the doubts related to the existence of the HUF before or after 2005; whether daughter was married before or after 2005; and demise of the father before or after 2005 etc. The amended law clearly ensures the right of daughters as coparcener in the HUF. In the case of (Vineeta Sharma vs Rakesh Sharma, 2020), the Supreme Court decided that coparcenary is a birth-right. Although the law came explicitly into force in 2005, daughters are legitimately entitled to the same rights as sons in the HUF. For instance, a married daughter is coparcener with equal rights even though married before 2005; daughters are entitled to HUF’s property as son, even if the father died before 2005. Law emphasizes on birth in HUF as a qualifier. 

 She along with her husband can also create a HUF. It is not that after her marriage, she is parted away from her father’s HUF and becomes part of her husband’s HUF only. Married daughters are entitled to her share after her marriage also.  Even if she wants to gift her share in the HUF to any other member, she cannot do so, while she is alive, except by way of a will. In case of her death and when no will was documented, her legal heirs are entitled to the shares and it is not that her share will be distributed amongst other members of the HUF. In case, none of her children are alive at the time of her death, grandchildren can also be granted the share but in no circumstance, can she be deprived of her share. 

After the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005, it was clear that a woman can be Karta of the HUF as decided in (Mrs. Sujata Sharma vs Shri Manu Gupta & Ors, 2015). The Delhi high court held that female coparcener may become Karta of the family. The eldest coparcener irrespective of the gender is the Karta of the HUF. Karta manages legal and financial affairs of the HUF. Wife is member in the HUF hence she cannot become Karta. Wife can act as a guardian of the minor coparcener after the death of her husband till kids attain the age of majority. A member cannot demand partition of the HUF but this does not deprive the wife from her share. The Hindu Succession Act has to be read for such claim over the share, which defines what property is within disposing capacity of the HUF. 

When it comes to distribution of the income of the HUF, the share is equivalently allocated irrespective of age and gender. Daughters are entitled to an equal share. Such allocation is not taxable in the hands of members when taxed in the hands of HUF.

The Supreme court bench of Justices S Abdul Nazeer and Krishna Murari made a significant judgement on January 20, 2022. In Arunchal Gounder (Dead) by LRS. V. Ponnusamy and Ors. (Civil Appeal No. 6659 of 2011), the SC held that the daughters of a male Hindu dying without forming a will would be entitled to the properties of the father. The properties could be self-acquired or received at partition by the father. The daughters will get preference over other collaterals. The judgement dealt with the property rights of women and widows under the Hindu Succession Act and is the latest in the series on inheritance rights of women. 

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By Avani Bansal & Radhika Ghosh

Introduction: An Intriguing Conversation

I was speaking to a colleague who trains judges. Reading one of my earlier pieces on the case for representative judiciary in India, she narrated to me an incident. She said all the judges of the Supreme Court had come for training and one could see that the two female judges were more or less by their own self. So even if a woman becomes a Supreme Court judge, should we assume that she will be treated alike and at par with male judges? She didn’t think so, having observed and worked closely with judges for a long time. But she probed me deeper – “why do you think that is the case? Why do most male judges have such a parochial view towards women judges?” While I was still thinking, she said – “One of the reasons could be that the wives of most of the judges, while educated they may be, do not work professionally. So judges are still accustomed to see women in a particular light.”

Now, I had never thought about the gender gap in Judiciary in this light. While we look at the statistics of the dismal number of female judges in India at subordinate judiciary level, High Courts and Supreme Court, we rarely investigate into how the subjective worldview of our own judges with a limited role for women in it, has a deep impact on promoting, and encouraging more women to join judiciary. While many judgements in India reveal the judges’ own view on the role of women, there is no basis to assume that the same male dominated judiciary will be encouraging of more women to sit next to them as colleagues.

Let’s Look At The Numbers

The Supreme Court was established in October 1935 and functioned as India’s federal court until it assumed its present form in January 1950. The initial strength of the judges was only eight — Chief Justice and seven puisne judges. As the number of cases increased, the number of judges also went up. Today, there are a total of 31 judges, including the Chief Justice of India. Since 1950, India’s Supreme Court has had 46 Chief Justices and 167 other judges.

There have been a total of eleven women judges in the Apex Court ever. Three of them sworn into the Supreme Court (SC) of India on Tuesday, August 31 2021. So along with J. Indira Banerjee there are now a total of four women judges in the Supreme Court who are currently serving. This constitutes to 11% of the strength of total Judges in Supreme Court.

In 17 states, between 2007 and 2017, 36.45% of judges and magistrates were women, researchers with the Judicial Reforms Initiative at Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, a think tank, wrote in January 2020 in the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW). In comparison, 11.75% women joined as district judges through direct recruitment over the same period, according to data from 13 states.

The chart shows the serving women judges (in red), retired women judges (in lighter shade of red), serving men judges/Chief Justices (in grey) and retired men judges/Chief Justices (in light red) of the SC according to their year of appointment as of August 31. Only 11 of the 256 judges (4.2%) who have served/ are serving at the apex court were/are women. Four out of the 33 judges (12%) currently serving are women.

The share of women judges in High Courts was no better. The chart depicts the share of women among all HC judges as of August 1, 2021. Overall, women judges account for only 11% of HC judges. In five HCs, no woman served as a judge, while in six others, their share was less than 10%. The percentage of women judges at the Madras and Delhi High Courts was relatively high.

Women’s representation in the judiciary is slightly better in the lower courts where 28% of the judges were women as of 2017. However, it was lower than 20% in Bihar, Jharkhand and Gujarat. The map shows the State-wise % of women judges in the lower courts.

[Date available on: https://www.thehindu.com/data/only-11-women-supreme-court-judges-in-71-years-three-of-them-appointed-in-2021/article36272407.ece ]

And What About Trans Women, Dalit And Adivasi Women?

The gender gap in India is so wide that we are often talking of just ‘women’ representation without paying any attention to the inherent intersectionality debate. Women are not just one monolithic community in India. From all the eleven women who have made it as judges in the Supreme Court, there has been only one Muslim woman – J. Fathima Beewi and one practicing Christian – J. R Banumathi. There has been no dalit, or adivasi woman, and no woman representing the sexual minorities in India, including a trans woman. The intersectional representation has to be borne in mind because women representing different communities bring in perspectives which others cannot. As the International Commission of Jurists report – “Increased judicial diversity enriches and strengthens the ability of judicial reasoning to encompass and respond to varied social contexts and experiences. This can improve justice sector responses to the needs of women and marginalized groups.”

So What Explains Such A Gender Gap In Judiciary?

There are several systemic obstacles that prevent women from being equally represented in judiciary. First of all, there needs to be a clear vision of how much representation of women will be considered as adequate representation and given that women are half of the Indian population, unless there are 50 percent women judges at all levels of judiciary, we have no reason to be complacent. Having 11 percent women at HC and SC level and 36 percent women at district court level is just not good enough. We have to be convinced of raising this bar, before we start engaging in this debate.

Secondly, there is a need to revisit the rules that keep women out by appearing to treat them ‘equally’ without paying attention to the need for ‘equitable and not equal treatment.’ For example – an advocate must have a minimum of seven years of continuous practise to be eligible to be a district judge. “This could be a disqualifying criterion for many women advocates because of the intervening social responsibilities of marriage and motherhood that could be preventing them from having seven years of continuous practice,” said Diksha Sanyal, a researcher involved with the Vidhi Centre studies on this issue. While Article 233 of the Constitution provides that appointment as a district judge requires not less than seven years as an advocate, it is the Supreme Court that has interpreted it to mean ‘continuous practice’. Similarly, “the entire attitude towards women who work outside home must change,” said Justice Prabha Sridevan, a retired judge of the Madras High Court. For instance, she said that one of the reasons that reduces women to stay in power is the transfer of women magistrates every three years.

Third, we need to discuss the issue of reservation for women not just in Parliament but also in High Court and Supreme Court of India. “Reservation quota for women is perhaps just one among many factors that encourages and facilitates more women to enter the system. In states where other supporting factors are present in sufficient measure, women’s quotas perhaps help bridge the gap in gender representation,” noted the 2020 EPW special article.

Fourthly, we need to design the system in a way that incorporates the requirements of women who aspire to be judges. “A lot of female judges join the service very late, which makes their chance of making it to the high courts or Supreme Court bleak,” said Soumya Sahu, a civil judge in Madhya Pradesh. Women judges are not immune to the “leaking pipeline”, the term used to describe how many employed women quit the workforce mid-career when children face board exams and parents need additional care—jobs that fall to women. “A total reorientation of the way society thinks of family and marriage is needed,” said Justice Sridevan. “It becomes difficult if you think the woman is the sole nurturer.” To address these issues, we need to think of the challenges beyond conventional solutions that are discussed to reduce the gender gap. The gender gap in Judiciary is not separate from the gender gap that we see in all segments of society. So the need of the hour is to understand and address the requirements of women at all levels, which may require us to disrupt the current system of looking at things. Breaking the conventional ways may include more female voices at all levels of decision making and creating inclusive spaces where we don’t just engage in tokenism by appointment a few women.

Above all, what’s needed is self-reflection and being aware of our own mental barriers and perceptions regarding women and what they are capable of doing. Sometimes the attitude of judges towards female lawyers and judges may become apparent through small anecdotes that what statistics may reveal.

Justice Leila Seth, former chief justice of the Himachal Pradesh High Court and the first woman to become the chief justice of a state high court, said in a November 2014 interview with The Hindu – “In most cases, male lawyers or judges especially in upper Himachal had a feudal mentality. They were not used to a woman sitting on their head.”

Advocate Kiruba Munusamy shares an incident while in Madras High Court, where a judge commented about her short haircut, which she couldn’t tie. He said, “Your hairstyle is more attractive than your argument. Women having short hair and men having long hair, wearing studs have become a fashion these days but I don’t like it.” She replied that she has been keeping short hair since her school days. She also mentioned that she has migraine and can’t keep her hair tied for long, so she had it cut short. She then pointed out to him that there is no bar council rule or code that prescribes the hairstyle of women. His response was, “Of course, there are no rules. But I am just telling my opinion.” Kiruba was asked by other male lawyers who were present in the court room to apologise to the judge regardless of his comments. The advocate that day was insulted, mistreated and told to shut up by the judge even though she was the Petitioner’s counsel in a transwoman’s police appointment case.

While every female judge who makes it to the apex court serves as an inspiration for millions of young women, it is time that we think systematically about getting millions of girls as judges and lawyers in various courts and levels in our legal system. This will require shattering quite a few glass ceilings and setting examples through action, initiatives, policy, laws and attitudes, all of which begins with sombre reflection.

First Published here:

http://inspire.profcongress.com/inspireInside/?unique_id=perspectives_0001

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Author: Sayan Dasgupta

Where there exists a property, inheritance of the same shall always be a pertinent question. An heir is a person who is entitled to receive intestate deceased’s property under the laws in intestacy. Succession can follow only after death of a person. There are two forms of succession – [i] testamentary succession (by will), and [ii] intestate succession (in absence of will). A will is a declaration or a legal instrument which governs the inheritance on occasion of death to the person the deceased desired. In lack of a testament, the devolution of property is governed by the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 for Hindus, Sharia law for Muslims and The Indian Successions Act, 1925 for persons outside the scope of the preceding laws. 

The inception of Hindu Succession Act, 1956, in the nascent independent India of 7 years was, and still is entrenched in cis-normativity. Its preamble observes that it governs and codifies succession of property of an intestate Hindu. Use of terms like “male” and “female” gives a nod to acknowledging genital and chromosomal composition and not self-determined gender identity. It wasn’t until recently that daughters were incorporated under Section 6 of the Act to be legal heirs along with sons of the deceased by way of Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005. 

The Sharia law can be harkened to the Holy Quran, Sunna, Ijma, and Qiyas. The Islamic jurisprudence provides an elaborate scheme of devolution of property amongst the successors, and other issues of maintenance. However, the grand narrative essentially reduces to antagonistic behaviour and indifference towards queer persons. Particular mandates forbid crossdressing and sodomy biting away from sexual and gender autonomy.   

Additionally, Part V of The Indian Successions Act, 1925 provides a consolidated guide to devolution of intestate succession. The legislation, even though secular, is not gender neutral. The legislation has explicit masculine notions by the way or pronoun “he”. It provides primacy to biological composition, and lineal parentage; something that is seldom seen in the trans community. 

None of the governing laws provide any template for property devolution in trans communities. It discounts the factum that, for centuries, trans, intersex and gender queer/non-binary persons have been disenfranchised and driven away by families. NHRC in a study, first of its kind detailed that only 2% of trans persons stay with their parents while the rest are deprived from participating in any form of economic activity or compelled to take low-income adverse jobs causing a societal gender discrimination merging into many domains of the State. 

The trans, intersex, and gender queer persons abandoned find home alternatively in a chosen ‘family’ and are initiated into the hijra or aravani community by the senior member/designated mother of the structure – the Guru. The Guru takes the responsibility of the structure and “chelas” and provides emotional support, financial clout and social standing. The Guru ties the house and provides parental guidance to the chelas. This adopted system has been nomenclatured as the Guru-chela pratha/parampara.

The proposition of devolution of property in such a customary practice was contemplated by a single judge bench of Himachal Pradesh High Court in the case of Sweety v. General Public. The appeal arose from a trial court judgement which held succession of intestate deceased trans person, Rajia alia Ratni Nani would be via Hindu Succession Act, 1956  on a prima facie assumption by the name that the deceased was a Hindu. Their Guru averred that she was the only successor of the property left behind since once initiated in the hijra community, the guru is the only person related to the chela, ergo the entitlement. The HC considered the issue of mode of succession of property of a kinnar in absence of a profession of religion. Sweety, the guru of the deceased led documentary evidence that she was the guru; such as, presence of guru’s name in the deceased’s ration card and bank account. The Court signified displeasure and reversed the judgement of the HC holding that succession would occur as per the customs of the guru-chela parampara and held Sweety to be the legal heir of the deceased. While the judgement was laudatory and took cognizance of the NALSA judgement, it had some serious shortcomings and major lacunae. 

The first issue is the lack of gender sensitivity in the judgement. One consistency that is noted throughout the judgement is use of the word “eunuch”. There is no reasoning as to why that terminology is used. A eunuch is a castrated male who have historically been a part of the hijra community amongst many others. There was no evidence led on behalf of the deceased and their guru that they were, in fact, castrated. This actively demonstrates the Court’s lack of clarity as to whether it was referring to the deceased’s gender identity or a biological condition, ergo making derogatory assumptions. What had been positively averred was that the deceased and their guru were intersex persons. The Court’s lack of acknowledging gender identities is emblematic of its gender insensitivity and the progress required to be made. 

The second issue is that the Court decided the succession of property of an intestate transgender in absence of religion. The glaring concerns the devolution in case of known religion. The Court in the matter had not indulged much into finding the religion of the deceased person. This necessity was further diluted by lack of any response to the notice. The principal argument made by the appellant was that once initiated into the kinner/hijra community, all ties to the external society is severed thereby waiving any religion. Furthermore, there was no evidence led to provide any sort of religious conversion or an initiation ritual. Therefore, it becomes unclear as to why the Court adopted the customary practices guru-chela parampara. Where arguments could be made in favour of such position to preserve indigenous practices of trans, intersex and gender queer practices, there is an obvious intersection with right to religion envisaged in the Constitution. 

 Adoption of one custom and renunciation of previous custom has not been considered as a question of law by the Courts of India. However, such an issue was considered by the Supreme Court of Nigeria in the case of Adeniyi Oluwo & Ors v. Olabowale Oluwo & Ors where the Court considered whether a person could renounce certain personal law and custom and adopt another and held:

“It follows therefore that by virtue of his change, his personal law changed to the Benin Customary Law; distribution of his estate on intestacy must necessarily be governed by Benin Customary Law. He married Benin women who had children for him; he carried on various business activities in and around Benin City. The change of his status endowed him with the rights and privileges of a Bini indigene and his change in status accords with Benin Customary Law”

This essentially meant that there can be a change of personal customary law by acculturation or assimilation. If the same standards are to be followed for devolution of property of intestate trans, intersex, and gender queer persons, the standard of evidence would be too high given the lack of resources, disenfranchisement and involuntary seclusion/ostracization. However, the burden would still need to be met as to renunciation of religion and ceremonious initiation into the community. Further, it must also be shown whether assimilation into the kinner/hijra community would automatically lead to loss of religion. Further, there are many literatures to support the claim of guru-chela relationship being exploitative, abusive and is contemplated as a form of bonded labour. Thusly, the customary practice isn’t a tenable for the long term. 

Need for Gender-Neutral Language in Property Law

Lockean conception of property provides that property is an extension of self. This ipso facto provides a rationale that gender is an important variable in property governance. The property law, as explored above is highly cis and heteronormative. It is submitted that most legislations are entrenched in colonial ideations or predate independence itself. This often has resulted in predominant usage of masculine pronouns and predisposition resulting in disenfranchisement of other gender identities. This usage of gendered generics is a categorical medium of casual sexism; as has been proven by several empirical researches

There have been several vedic references to the ‘third sex’ which includes a wide spectrum of genders and sexualities providing them with shelter, protection, amenities, provisions of sustenance and incorporation into the dharma. There is no reason that the present legislation must be read in a heteronormative lens excluding many. It was laudably noted by the Madras HC in Sushma v. Police Commissioner of Chennai that the LGBTQIA+ community spend majority of their lives adjusting to a social morality and “have to turn themselves inside out to suit our notions of social morality and tradition”. 

This judgment while allotting rights to the trans appellant missed an opportunity of answering issues of a broader ambit, i.e., what happens to the property of a transgender whose religion is known. It can be submitted that incorporation and merging of the trans and gender queer community in Hinduism is emblematic of the fact dharmic tradition and gender have always been intertwined. There are several temples with patron deities for the hijra communities and temples with trans priestesses

In Shivani Bhat v. State NCT of Delhi, the Delhi High Court declared that “Gender identity and sexual orientation are fundamental to the right of self-determination, dignity and freedom. These freedoms lie at the heart of personal autonomy and freedom of individuals.” It is time these words are effectuated into creating a safer and inclusive legislation and interpretation with a queer lens. 

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By Shivangi Sharma

Madhya Pradesh Home Minister has announced recently to introduce the “Love Jihad” Bill in the upcoming state assembly session. The bill, to be called Dharma Swatantrya Bill, 2020 will have provision for cognizable and non-bailable offences and will carry five years rigorous imprisonment for violators. Similar announcements have been made by other BJP ruled states like Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka to introduce law to curb religious conversion in the name of love jihad. A conspiracy theory riddled in the bigoted and misogynist ideology is being formalized with legal provisions in a country that constitutionally guarantees freedom of religion and right to marry a person of one’s choice. Following is a critique of the proposed bill and all the conspiracy theories surrounding it through a feminist and constitutional lens.

Not legally recognized a term yet, conservative religious groups claim that love jihad is when Muslim men feign love to non-muslims, especially Hindu women to convert them to Islam with an intention to increase their population. It is a tactic to lure Hindu women into marrying in Muslim families and thus deceivingly converting them to Islam. It has also been alleged that various crimes like kidnapping, abduction and sexual assault are committed on women to forcefully convert their religion. As per the proposed bill by Madhya Pradesh Home Minister, there is an assumption that inter-faith marriages are a result of fraud and enticing women into religious conversion but the same assumption do not hold true in a vice-versa situation.

Going by the statements made by various Hindu conservative groups, they speak as if Hindu women are their property who do not have a will of their own. It reaffirms the idea that our patriarchal society does not acknowledge the agency of a woman to choose her own life partner. The authority of making any decision in a woman’s life is assumed by her parents till she gets married and after that by her husband. Deeply rooted misogyny and casteism in Hinduism stemming from Manu-Smriti has ensured that women do not get any say in the matter of marriage. The culture of arranged marriage does not let men and women marry outside their community to keep the Brahminical patriarchy intact. It is fair to say that a society so consumed in patriarchy is threatened by women taking over their right to life and cannot bear the idea of them choosing a man from different religion. Flouting this culture by marrying outside of the caste and religion has often been met with honour killing of the couple by their own families. While the government itself agrees that no case of ‘love jihad’ has ever been registered (as it is not recognized by law yet), National Crime Records Bureau has shown rapid growth in number of honour killings especially in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.

A society that is already hostile towards inter-faith couples, legal recognition to ‘love jihad’ legitimizes all the hate-crimes committed under the garb of protecting religious identity. The proposed laws will give sanction to the State for further harassment of such couples ensuring that they do not receive an equal protection under the law as intra-faith and intra-caste couples get.

Our Constitution guarantees to its citizens ‘Right to Life’ that includes the right to choose their own life partner. It also guarantees the right to practice and profess any religion and Supreme Court has time and again protected these rights even against family members. The famous case of ‘Hadiya Jahan’ very categorically says that parental love and concern cannot be allowed to fluster the right of choice of an adult in choosing a man to whom she gets married. As far as the concern regarding fraudulent marriage and forceful conversion goes, the existing laws already protect a person from them and carry sufficient punishment. Special Marriage Act, 1954 declares a marriage voidable if consent of either of the party was obtained by coercion or fraud. Anti-conversion laws in India criminalize the conversion of people by the means of force, inducement, allurement and fraudulent tactics. People aiding in such conversions are also liable to be punished.

Introducing a law based on dubious theories is going to serve the twofold purpose of targeting Muslim community and restricting the growth of women empowerment by keeping them in clutches of law and society. One cannot help but draw the parallels between love jihad and the propaganda of Rassenschande (racial defilement) in Nazi Germany. It was the Nazi term for sexual relations between Aryans and non-Aryans which was punishable by law. Persons accused of racial defilement were publicly humiliated, Germans who had intermarried with Jews prior to the Nuremberg laws were targeted and encouraged to divorce their existing partners. India is aggrieved of similar social environment with increasing religious disharmony. Legal recognition of love jihad propaganda is a giant leap in the façade of “Hindu Rashtra” that religious conservative groups have built. It is a pure distraction from working on issues of gender inequality, domestic violence, religious and caste atrocities and making religious conversion a scapegoat in furthering false agendas.

At a time when Indian feminists are raising their voices to legally recognize marital rape, dismantle patriarchal and misogynist attitude of judiciary in cases of sexual assault, intimate partner violence and caste atrocities, legislature is taking several steps backward undoing all the work done by progressive leaders of gender and religious rights. It is needless to say that the proposed laws are unconstitutional on the face of it but it will be better if instead of judiciary striking them down, they should never come alive to see the light of the day.

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