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By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह ( इंडिपेंडेट स्कॉलर)

बीते रविवार को हमारे प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने विवादों को दरकिनार करते हुए नया संसद भवन देश को समर्पित कर दिया और इतिहास में अपना नाम दर्ज करवा दिया। नया संसद भवन बनाने के पीछे सबसे बड़ा कारण ये बताया गया है कि वर्ष 2026 में देशभर में सीटों का परिसीमन होना है और निश्चित तौर पर सांसदों की संख्या बढ़ेगी जो लोकसभा और राज्यसभा की कुल मौजूदा संख्या 788 से बढ़ाकर 1200 से ज्यादा होने की संभावना है, परंतु फिलहाल संसद के दोनो सदनों में लगभग 800 के आसपास ही सीटें है। इसलिए समय रहते ही यदि नए सांसदों के बैठने की जगह का प्रबंध न किया जाता तो ये विश्व की तेजी से बढ़ती अर्थव्यवस्था वाले देश भारत के लिए विश्व पटल पर अच्छा संदेश नहीं माना जाता। ये हमारे प्रधानमंत्री की दूरदर्शिता का ही परिणाम है कि भविष्य की जरूरत को ध्यान में रखते हुए दोनो सदनों में कुल 1272 सीटों के साथ नए भव्य संसद भवन का निर्माण रिकॉर्ड समय में कर दिखाया।

परंतु महत्वपूर्ण बात ये है कि 10 दिसंबर, 2020 को जिस दिन हमारे प्रधानमंत्री द्वारा इस नए संसद भवन की आधारशिला रखी गई, उसी दिन से इस पर विवाद शुरू हो गए कि कोरोना वायरस की तबाही से पनपे आर्थिक संकट के समय में जब देश में आम जन के सामने खाने का संकट है, ऐसे समय ने नए संसद भवन का निर्माण करना समझदारी भरा कदम नहीं है और अभी नए संसद की जरूरत भी नहीं है I इसे केवल पैसों की बर्बादी कहा गया I कभी पर्यावरण संबधी प्रश्न उठाए गए तो कभी एक प्लॉट के लैंड यूज में बदलाव को चुनौती देते हुए सुप्रीम कोर्ट में याचिका दायर की गई और इसके साथ अनेक प्रश्नों पर बहस हुई परंतु एक जो सबसे महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न था, वो पीछे छूट गया या छोड़ दिया गया, अर्थात उस पर किसी ने चर्चा नहीं की I

प्रश्न था महिलाओं का, कि नए संसद भवन में जो नई सीटें बढ़ेंगी क्या उनमें आधी आबादी का हिस्सा होगा?

क्या ये केवल पुरुषों के द्वारा पुरुषों के लिए बनाई गई नई संसद होगी? या फिर जब 2026 में देश भर में सीटों का परिसीमन किया जाएगा तब तक महिला आरक्षण बिल भी पास कर दिया जाएगा, जिसमें लोकसभा और विधानसभाओं की कुल सीटों में से 33 फीसदी सीटें महिलाओं के लिए आरक्षित करने का प्रावधान है। 

यदि इतिहास पर नजर दौड़ाएं तो उसके आधार पर कहा जा सकता है कि महिला आरक्षण बिल दूर की कौड़ी नजर आता है। 

बात शुरू होती है 1993 में 73 वें और 74 वें संवैधानिक संशोधनों से जिनमें स्थानीय सरकारों (ग्रामीण और शहरी) में 33 फीसदी पद महिलाओं के लिए सुरक्षित रखने का प्रावधान किया गया। तभी लोकसभा और राज्यों की विधानसभाओं में भी महिलाओं के लिए 33 फीसदी स्थान सुरक्षित रखने की मांग जोर पकड़ने लगी थी।

एचडी देवगौड़ा के प्रधानमंत्री रहते वर्ष 1996 में पहली बार भारतीय संसद के पटल पर महिला आरक्षण बिल को रखा गया और इसे संयुक्त संसदीय समिति के पास भी भेजा गया पंरतु लोकसभा भंग होने की वजह से ये आगे नहीं बढ़ पाया I

इसके बाद 1998 में दूसरी बार इस बिल को संसद में लाया गया परंतु पास नही हो सका।

अटल बिहारी वाजपेई के नेतृत्व में एनडीए सरकार ने 13 वीं लोकसभा के दौरान 1999 और 2002 में दो बार महिला आरक्षण बिल को संसद पटल पर रखा पंरतु दोनों बार पास नही हो सका।

2004 में यूपीए सरकार ने महिला आरक्षण बिल को अपने कॉमन मिनिमम प्रोग्राम में शामिल किया और वर्ष 2008 में 108वें संवैधानिक संशोधन के तहत महिला आरक्षण बिल को संसद में रखा और एक लंबे वाद विवाद के बाद वर्ष 2010 में संसद के उच्च सदन (राज्यसभा) से इसे मंजूरी मिल गई अर्थात पास हो गया परंतु उसके बाद से आज तक कभी लोकसभा में इस पर कोई बात नहीं हो सकी है।

अभी हाल ही में बीते मार्च महीने में भारतीय राष्ट्र समिति से सांसद कविता ने महिला आरक्षण बिल को लेकर जंतर मंतर पर भूख हड़ताल की थी जिसका कोई खास असर दिखाई नहीं दिया।

पंरतु एक बात यहां ध्यान देने योग्य है कि यदि इच्छा शक्ति मजबूत है तो बिना आरक्षण बिल के भी महिलाओं को प्रतिनिधित्व दिया जा सकता है जैसे भारत के दो राज्यों पश्चिमी बंगाल में तृणमूल कांग्रेस और ओडिसा में बीजू जनता दल अपने कुल उम्मीदवारों में से 33 फीसदी उम्मीदवार महिलाओं को बनाती है। इन्हीं की तरह दूसरे दल भी ये कार्य कर सकते हैं पंरतु दृढ़ इच्छा शक्ति के अभाव में कोई भी दल ये नही कर रहा है। और उसी का नतीजा है कि संसद और विधानसभाओं में महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व केवल 10 फीसदी के आसपास है।

अब असल प्रश्न है कि आखिर कब गूंजेगी आम महिला की आवाज संसद के गलियारों में I हमें इस प्रश्न का जवाब ढूंढना होगा।

ये तो था महिला आरक्षण बिल का इतिहास परंतु क्या हमारे प्रधानमंत्री से उम्मीद की जा सकती है कि जैसे उन्होंने अपने कार्यकाल में अनेकों ऐतिहासिक कार्यों को अमली जामा पहनाया है, वैसे ही सभी बहसों और प्रश्नों को दरकिनार कर महिला आरक्षण बिल को भी पास करवा कर आधी आबादी के पक्ष में एक नया इतिहास लिखेंगे। यदि वो ऐसा कर पाते हैं तो निश्चित रूप से आधी आबादी के लिए ये एक वरदान से कम नहीं होगा। 

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By Avani Bansal

(With RSS pushing the wall, with installment of Bharat Mata statue at RSS office, in Bareilly, UP, as latest as yesterday, it is now anyone’s guess, what a Bharat Mata holding a saffron flag is meant to depict – Hindu Nationalism – an idea that works for the RSS and BJP but an idea that is simply against the idea of the Constitution and the idea of India that emanates from it. So we need to think deeply of what we mean by ‘Bharat Mata’)

The Constitution of India doesn’t provide for a gender for ‘Bharat’. The very first Article of the Indian Constitution states that ‘India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States’ (Article 1). So why not let ‘Bharat’, just be ‘Bharat’, one which as per the Preamble – we, the people of India (‘all’ the people of India), have given to ‘ourselves’? Why add the suffix ‘Mata’, and does this add any value to our understanding or how we relate to our Nation?

Now this idea of seeing one’s nation either as a patriarchal or a matriachal figure is not uncommon and varies from country to country and time to time. Why is Germany – a father figure, requiring a male pronoun and why is United Kingdom – a ‘she’, is difficult to answer with some solid logic except by looking into the culture and political/historical milieu of every nation, and ofcourse some history. While gender neutral terms do exist – ‘homeland’ or ‘ancient land’, there are also some countries who don’t use any of these suffixes, oddly referred to as ‘orphans’ (vehemently oppose that term!), here :

https://www.mcislanguages.com/fatherland-vs-motherland-what-is-the-gender-of-your-country/

(Map from here)

How India came to be called ‘Bharat Mata is an interesting story in itself. But before coming to that – why does this question matter?

I will argue that merely using the word ‘Mata’ without thinking of deeper questions, does us a disservice. Here’s how :

First, the logic that ours is a land where women are worshipped as Goddesses has done precious little in actually increasing the collective respect that we accord to women in our society and in our country. As the title of the movie ‘Matrabhoomi – a nation without women’ shows on every possible gender matrix, India’s performance is worth hanging one’s head in shame. With the increasing crime rate against women, scant attention on women’s reproductive health, education of school girls, women’s safety and most importantly women’s represenation in public offices including politics, shows that women are far from being ‘worshipped’ in India. As in ‘Pratima Visarjan’, the famous painting by Gaganendranath Tagore, we think of women, like Goddesses, on specified days and then go on to submerge them in the rivers and in our active memories, making peace with everyday injustice against those most close to us.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pratima_Visarjan_by_Gaganendranath_Tagore.png

Secondly, this particular form of love for ‘mother’ has been well adorned and subjected to poetry, literature, essays, books amongst others, not just in India but around the world. In India, a mother’s love has reached the epitome of love’s expression with mothers cooking for their sons, until they can no longer cook and ‘mamma’s boy’ being taken as a badge of honour than showing lack of independence. The close familial ties in India means that the expression ‘mata’ or ‘mother’ can be naturally extended to the nation-state, with seemingly little or no objection from anyone and common rejoice in the emotional warcry of ‘living and dying for mother and motherland’. But here’s the challenge.

While we exalt the love of the mother, why do we have such trouble accepting ‘Bharat’ as just a woman – and by the same analogy, her in different roles – of a lover, a sexual being, a single woman, amongst others? What, for instance, explains the controversy around M.F. Hussain’s famous painting the ‘Bharat Mata’?

https://www.skyshot.in/post/7-greatest-indian-painters-of-all-time

Thirdly, if the idea of India is all inclusive, as per our Constitution, then exalting ‘Bharat’ as a Mother may in some way exclude people belonging to other religions who may not see the concept of nation tied to that of a mother or a father.

But then, if Jews have a fatherland, Russians have a motherland, why can’t we have a motherland? Because, we have never aped anyone. India is an experiment – one to design a unique solutions to all of its unique problems. Differences existed even when our Constitution was being drafted, with members belonging to extreme right and left wing, including moderates, trying to shape the India of their dreams. But it is the idea, as prescribed in the Indian Constitution, that won the day, and for our purposes has to be the milestone, from where Indian history, relevant for our purpose begins. So if our idea of Secularism comes with the Constitution, that of Gender Equality and where necessary of Gender Neutrality or Non-Discrimination, too comes from the Constitution. By linear logic, if we believe in the Indian Constitution as our guiding principle, then we need to rethink the idea of the ‘Bharat Mata’.

Finally, by calling Bharat ‘Bharat Mata’, we somehow think we have done what needs to be done for the women in the country. In other words, the rhetoric around the word ‘Mata’, and the trait of being satisfied with symbolism means that we think precious little about doing something tangible and significant to improve the lot of women. Not just that, the larger communicable disease of paying lip service deadens our collective spirit and the need to do engage in deeper questioning of both – the systemic and individual discrimination that we witness everyday.

Recently, on a field trip on Mendha Lekha village in Mahrashtra, which is a village with largely tribal population, popularly known for their collective form of decision making with the village motto – ‘In Delhi and Mumbai, we have our Government but in our village, we are the Government’, the headman of the village remarked – “For us, those who consider ourselves as guardians of the forests, engaging in any type of agriculture was like using the plough on the stomach of our motherland!”.

(Picture of Mendha Lekha’s slogan : From Author’s Diary)

Ofcourse, this attitude has softened over the years and they do engage in agriculture now, but they still have that awareness around what it could mean to do or not to do to one’s ‘motherland’. This may be an extreme example. But let’s think of more everyday ones – those sprinkled all around us. How are we okay with sexist jokes, wife jokes, sexist words for which there is no male equivalent (‘rakhel’ or ‘keep’ for instance), sexist songs which reduce women to objects – which we defend in the name of entertainment, sexist advertisements which we defend in the name of commercialisation; sexist behaviour such as non transfer of equal property to women inspite of there being a clear law for it – in the name of culture? How are we okay when we don’t see women in public spaces – not in garden, in sports ground, out of homes after evening hours? How are we okay with deafening silence of women in our private spaces, where women hardly have space to express their opinion? How are we okay when someone we knows character assasinates another woman in a powerful position, just because it is easy to drag her down by talking of her character?

And no, it’s not just about men discriminating against women, but women discriminating against their own gender too. And why identify ‘Bharat’ with a gender at all – isn’t there space for those who have fluid gender too? Don’t we also see discrimination against men in our society? Don’t we have societies in India, which are women centric, sometimes leading to reverse discrimination against men?

So it boils down to this. Where does our need for identifying our nation with a gender come from. I will argue, that assuming the best, even if the intent of its origin is well placed, there exists no purpose beyond empty slogans, repeated ad nauseum to keep the collective energy high in all political gatherings, and now increasingly to suit vested political agendas.

Whether it is BJP’s – Bharat Mata Ki Jai or Congress’s Sevadal’s – Bolo Bharat Mata Ki, Jai, Jai, Jai – everytime we sing out this slogan, we need to pause, and ponder – are we doing enough for women, are we doing enough for all humans, for all living beings around it? Any politics which is based on ‘humanism’, cannot stop at the slogan of women, it has to constantly work tirelessly towards emanicipation of women.

While cultural expression of ‘motherland’ definitely got a boost in popular imagination with movies such as ‘Mother-India’, the political expression of it is worthy of taking note.

Interestingly, the image of Bharat Mata that is used by the RSS and BJP to depict a Hindu Goddess, was born out of angst against the Britishers’ Divide & Rule Policy implemented first through the Partition of Bengal – mainly Hindu West from the majority Muslim East.

Abanindranath Tagore, decided to use Art to reclaim Indian heritage, painted – ‘Bharat Mata’, drawing upon the Japanese painter – Okakura Kakuzo.

(Image of Abanindranath Tagore’s first depiction of Bharat Mata)

This painting of Bharat Mata, was not to depict her as some Hindu Goddess, what one may perceive and RSS will have us believe looking at her saffron robe but as a pastoral deity holding ‘the four gifts of the motherland’: a white cloth, a book, a sheaf of paddy, and prayer beads; representing clothing, learning, food, and spiritual salvation. These symbols of Indian motherhood, which held emotive substance for Hindus and Muslims alike, are key to Tagore’s aim of conceptualising a ‘spiritual’ identity for his people, in direct contrast with the perceived ‘materialism’ of Europe.’

https://thecultural.me/abanindranath-tagores-bharat-mata-and-its-role-in-fostering-indian-identity-200413

Then came Bankimchandra Chattopadhyaya’s ‘Anand Math’ which celebrated India as a motherland -as a goddess, thereby taking this idea deeper into the imaginations of the masses. But while both Tagore and Chattopadhyaya’s idea of Bharat Mata came from a nationalistic fervour, it was the RSS which added the ‘Hindu Goddess’ tint to it. With RSS pushing the wall, with installment of Bharat Mata statue at RSS office, in Bareilly, UP, as latest as yesterday, it is now anyone’s guess, what a Bharat Mata holding a saffron flag is meant to depict – Hindu Nationalism – an idea that works for the RSS and BJP but an idea that is simply against the idea of the Constitution and the idea of India that emanates from it.

(RSS’s Picture of Bharat Mata)

Therefore it’s important to remember that those who championed the idea of Bharat Mata earlier, did so, because its origins were in ‘inclusive nationalism’ – that stresses on the emotions of seeing and treating one’s nation as a motherland, according women the highest respect in words and in action, and definitely a mother – who is a mother for all – a mother who doesn’t discriminate between her Hindu daughter and Muslim daugther.

One illustration of this is in Nehru ji’s own words who asked the people he met – “Who is this Bharat Mata, whose victory you wish?”, and then explaining that said “the mountains and rivers, forests and fields are of course dear to everyone” but what counted ultimately “is the people of India…”.

RSS, is now reversing this very idea of India and also that of Bharat Mata. While exalting Bharat Mata and installing her statute in different RSS offices, they are striking at the root of its origins – a Bharat for all, where all are treated with a mother’s love. As a people, we need to see RSS’s way of appropriating symbols and using them to serve their own political agendas, which is in sharp contrast with what that symbol originally represented – with the spirit of the Indian Constitution.

So everytime we use the expression ‘Bharat Mata’ now, we need to rethink and think deeper. We need to install Constitution in the hearts of the people, and make ‘the people’ realise that it us who are ‘Bharat Mata’. Bharat, thy name is enough.

Victory to the People, who have given this Constitution to ourselves. Yes, yes, we are the Bharat! And what we need, for a statute loving country that we are, unwilling to compromise on the politics of symbolism, which may have some purpose is a – Constitution in every square and circle of our country.

Avani Bansal is an Advocate and a Member of the Congress Party (Twitter @bansalavani). 

This article was first published on The Wire

https://m.thewire.in/article/women/bharat-mata-india-women-respect-safety-discrimination/amp

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Field Notes From Bharat Jodo Yatra 

By Avani Bansal

This Article is written based on my observations while walking on foot for 118 days from Kanyakumari enroute to Kashmir. While I am part of Rahul Gandhi led ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’, the views herein are solely my own.  

Amidst the cacophony of loud sloganeering, emotive faces of all ages, sharing the same curious look and glimmer of hope –  we have been wading through what seemed like two banks of a river formed by engimatic people, with warm eyes and warmer touch, all to behold Rahul Gandhi, and we would like to believe, the Bharat Yatris too (a term used for all those who have walked the entire stretch of ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ from Kanyakumari to Kashmir), from State after State – Tamil Nadu to Kerala, all the way to Punjab, where we are now – via Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. We started walking on 7th September, 2022 from the Southern most tip of India and have covered 3500 kms on foot thus far, with 15 more days to reach Srinagar. 

While remembering faces amongst thousands of people who we met enroute, becomes difficult, it would always be my focus to look out for women and girls– smile and wave at them, occassionaly shake hands, and every now and then, be surprised by a warm sudden hug from a woman, melting me with emotions. 

The reason I especially looked out for women, was partially selfish – which is to tell them (indirectly) and myself (in the process) that – ‘Hey, here I am! A woman walking from Kanyakumari, headed to Kashmir.’ That recognition in their eyes that women are doing this too, was both a self-affirmative thought and what I hope would be an inspiring one for them. I made it a point to wave at those women especially, who were standing atop their houses, or in balconies at the top floor of a five-six floor building or a couple of yards away, or meekly looking at us from her purdah, or behind a half-open door, for I needed them to know that I ‘see’ them.

 As women, we very often suffer from the phenomenon of ‘invisibility’ – the feeling that perhaps I am not seen – something that the lead character in the latest movie ‘Qala’ (on Netflix) makes an interesting dialougue about. But why am I complaining? I am not the only Woman Bharat Yatri – we are atleast 33 of us (as per the original list of bharat yatris – although there have been some additions later on) and we got ample media coverage, so what ‘invisibility’ are we talking about? 

Are all those women who came out to support us, invisible? What about those scores of girls and women who are seen sharing an emotional moment with Rahul Gandhi? Women holding flags and walking shoulder to shoulder for long distances; women holding flowers standing in long rows as an expression of their love; women dancing in their traditional attires on folk music in various states; women performing on stage on local cultural songs to welcome us; women from the tribal community putting on their massive headgears and beautiful dresses to welcome us; women standing out of their workplaces in groups to wave at us; working women, girl students, old women – weren’t they all there at the Yatra – to be seen by all of us? 

Yes, except very rarely did I see women in decision making roles and spaces. Women were holding flags, but very few were on hoardings and banners. Women were dancing on the streets, but very few were in management roles mobilising people for the Yatra. Women were there on the streets waiting for us, running small chai shops, selling flowers, pausing from their cleaning work with their brooms still in their hands, but they weren’t running the kirana shops, or small and medium scale enterprises, scores of which we crossed on our way. 

The beauty of living on roads, even if for a while, is that one gets to see a million stories in one frame of a second – as if everywhere you look, your eyes go ‘click’ and then in that picture you look for the unfolding of several characters. 

We walked past and met several women working in the farms, on construction sites or at brick kilns. Women were seen selling peanuts, working on flower fields, in ponds, and most of these are low paying unorganised sector jobs. But very few women were seen running restaurants, or selling garments, or heading medicine shops to name a few. 

I kept asking myself during the entire Yatra – “Where are all the women?”

Yes, there was a Shakti Amma, about 70 year old woman in Kerala, who had lost one of her chappal (slipper) due to the crowds in the Yatra, so she walked with one chappal, holding Mahila Congress flag for the entire day long. Yes, there was this mid-aged woman, who came running from her village, with a hand-made bouque of fresh flowers for Rahul Gandhi. Yes there was this group of Adivasi women, who didn’t speak our language and danced to completely unique music and dance steps – because someone told them that we were coming. 

Women continue to be ‘invisible’ in all strata of society, including politics, because one expects them to do what is told – not to give them agency or decision making power. In Congress, there are honourable exceptions – of strong women who have made it on their own but their numbers are still far from ideal. While Congress is the only party to boast of having ushered in many progressive laws for women safety and women empowerment, the represenation of women – not just symbolic but effective representation of women by  providing them with a real say in decision making, remains an uphill task. Ensuring 33 percent of reservation for women in Panchayati Raj system was a great start but we need to strive towards ensuring 33 percent reservation in Parliament. The decision of Priyanka Gandhi, to give tickets to women in Uttar Pradesh elections, was itself a very bold move. But beyond just political representation, the real stuggle for women in India is to emerge as a political force, such that no political party can do away with mere lip service to their cause. 

In speaking to hundreds of women and having multiple conversations with them across states, one thing is clear. There are some low lying fruits – some easy steps that can be taken towards women empowerment, safety and representation, provided there is political will. Start a women’s cooperative revolution; start a parallel women’s police force ; ensure easy credit loans to women entrepreneurs and women heading small and medium scale enterprises ; provide major boost to skill training for women; start nation wide self defence training program for women ; pay attention on the status of foster care homes for women –  to name a few. Some nation-wide programmes for women empowerment, which create a win-win situation, are the need of the hour. 

For instance, take up something simple as ‘sewing’ – provide that training to women at all levels and create a potential garment industry revolution. Now it’s not as easy as it reads, but we need to think on these lines to economically empower women who don’t have education, or empolyment opportunties. 

We have to move away from discussing women issues on specific days, or around specific events. We need to move away from patting ourselves at the back for a few heroic achievements of individual women, and focus on ushering in systemic change. We need to ask ourselves some tough questions, such as – why do women in India still have to bust their gall bladders by not being able to use clean toilets? Why do our girls still have to walk for kilometers to go to schools? Why are women almost absent from public spaces and men seem to use these spaces as if they are the sole users – be it on roads, grounds, parks etc.? Why are we still arguing about what women wear or who they choose to marry, without caring enough about their education and healthcare? And why have we failed to put forth a concrete road-map to make India safe for women?

While there are many people, individuals and organisations working towards women empowerment in different aspects, what makes politics an interesting way of bringing about ‘change’ is that with one right tweak in policy, we can affect the lives of millions of women. As one renowned healthcare expert, who was walking with us in the Yatra told me – “if the government adds atleast one lentil and some ghee in the ration system (along with rice), it can significantly decrease the iron deficiency in women. Also it can lead to people cooking ‘khichdi’ and that can be one full meal for families.” 

Rahul Gandhi has shown an open heart and a path of love during this Yatra. It presents him as a kind leader, something of a rarity in Indian politics. What that will mean for women in India has to be seen. 

For now, women will continue to walk as they forever have. The question is – will they ever arrive or will they forever be in a Yatra to realise their full rights and dignity, something that our Constitution makers promised them on Day 1. 

First Published here:
https://m.thewire.in/article/politics/where-are-the-women-field-notes-from-the-bharat-jodo-yatra

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By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

भारत ने हाल ही में अपनी स्वतंत्रता के 75 वर्ष पूर्ण होने पर तिरंगा उत्सव और आजादी का अमृत महोत्सव मनाया है पंरतु आजादी के 75 वर्षों के बाद भी भारत की आधी आबादी सुरक्षित नही है। जब तक महिलाएं असुरक्षित हैं तब तक ऐसे कार्यक्रमों या महोत्सवों का कोई महत्व नहीं रह जाता। हाल ही में राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो द्वारा प्रकाशित आंकड़े दर्शा रहे हैं कि उत्तर से दक्षिण, पूर्व से पश्चिम भारत के किसी भी राज्य या शहर या क्षेत्र में महिलाएं सुरक्षित नहीं है। वैसे तो अपने आप को भारत विश्व गुरु और दुनिया का तीसरा सबसे ज्यादा शक्तिशाली राष्ट्र मानता है परंतु यहां महिलाओं पर जुल्मों की सूची दिन प्रतिदिन लंबी होती जा रही है। राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो के अनुसार वर्ष 2021 में महिलाओं के साथ होने वाले अत्याचार, हिंसा, कत्ल, बलात्कार आदि घटनाओं की संख्या में पिछले साल के मुकाबले 15.3 फीसदी की बढ़ोतरी हुई है। इस वर्ष 428278 केस दर्ज हुए हैं जबकि वर्ष 2020 में ये संख्या 371503 थी।

यदि हम महिलाओं के खिलाफ हुए अत्याचार की कुल घटनाओं को देखें तो पाएंगे कि केवल 52 फीसदी घटनाओं पर ही आरोप पत्र जारी किए गए हैं, अपहरण के कुल 8.2 फीसदी, साइबर अपराध के 90.80 फीसदी, कत्ल के 95 फीसदी मामलों में ही पुलिस ने दोषियों के खिलाफ आरोप पत्र जारी किए हैं, ये अपने आप में आरोपियों को खुली छूट देने जैसा है, पुलिस का ढील मूल रवैया अपराधियों के लिए ताकत बनता है और इसी कारण से पुरुष अपराध करने से हिचकिचाते नहीं है।

महिलाओं के खिलाफ सबसे ज्यादा हिंसा और अत्याचार उनके पति या पति के परिवार द्वारा किए गए हैं, अर्थात 31.80 फीसदी महिलाएं अपने पति और उसके परिवार के अत्याचार और हिंसा का शिकार हुई हैं। 20.80 फीसदी मामलों में महिलाओं के खिलाफ अपराधिक बल का प्रयोग किया गया है या उनकी लज्जा भंग करने (आउटरेज हर मोडेस्टी) के आशय से हमला किया गया है। 17.60 फीसदी मामलों में अपहरण और 7.40 फीसदी मामलों में महिलाओं के साथ बलात्कार किया गया है। 

महिलाओं के खिलाफ अत्याचार और हिंसा के सबसे ज्यादा मामले असम में दर्ज किए गए हैं, इसके बाद ओडिसा, हरियाणा, तेलंगाना और राजस्थान का स्थान है। केंद्र शासित प्रदेशों में दिल्ली महिलाओं के लिए सबसे ज्यादा असुरक्षित जगह है। वहीं बात करें शहरों की तो जयपुर महिलाओं के लिए सबसे खतरनाक और असुरक्षित शहर है। इसके बाद दिल्ली, इंदौर और लखनऊ है। वहीं महिलाओं के लिए सबसे सुरक्षित शहर चेन्नई और कोयंबटूर हैं जो कि तमिलनाडु में हैं।

बलात्कार के मामलों में 6337 मामलों के साथ राजस्थान सबसे शिखर पर है वहीं उत्तर प्रदेश, मध्यप्रदेश और महाराष्ट्र लगभग दो दो हजार से थोड़े अधिक बलात्कार के मामलों के साथ क्रमश: दूसरे तीसरे चौथे स्थान पर है। नाबालिग लड़की के साथ रेप के दर्ज कुल 31677 मामलों में से 1453 मामलों के साथ राजस्थान की हालत बच्चियों के लिए सबसे ज्यादा खस्ता है। गैंगरेप और कत्ल के कुल 284 मामलों में 48 मामलों के साथ उत्तर प्रदेश टॉप पर है, जबकि 46 मामलों के संग असम हैवानियत के दूसरे स्थान पर है।

आधी आबादी पर बढ़ते अत्याचार देश के लिए गहरी चिंता के संकेत दे रहे हैं , आज जब महिलाओं ने हर क्षेत्र में उपलब्धियां दर्ज की हैं और अपनी ताकत का लोहा मनवाया है तब भी वो हर स्थान (घर, सड़क, स्कूल, खेत, यूनिवर्सिटी, बाजार, दफ्तर आदि ) पर असुरक्षित है।

क्या कारण है कि आजादी के 75 वर्षों बाद और देश में एक लिखित संविधान और पुख्ता कानून व्यवस्था के बावजूद भारतीय शासन, प्रशासन और समाज महिलाओं को सुरक्षित माहौल प्रदान करने में असफल रहा है। इसका सबसे मुख्य कारण पितृसत्तात्मक सोच है जो पुरुषों पर हावी है और इस सोच के कारण महिलाओं को दोयम दर्जे की समझा जाता है और पुरुष महिला के ऊपर दास की तरह अपना अधिकार समझते हैं और उसके साथ पशुओं जैसा व्यवहार करते हैं।

इसे रोकने के लिए सर्वप्रथम पुलिस को महिलाओं के प्रति सुगराही बनना पड़ेगा, महिलाओं के प्रति व्यवहार बदलना पड़ेगा और महिलाओं को ये भरोसा दिलवाना पड़ेगा कि उनके खिलाफ हुए अत्याचार या हिंसा को दर्ज किया जाएगा और उसे इंसाफ दिलवाया जायेगा।

जांच पड़ताल में लगने वाले लंबे समय को कम करने की आवश्यकता है, इसके साथ साथ विशेष महिला आदलतें स्थापित करने से भी महिलाओं के खिलाफ अपराधिक मामलों में कमी आयेगी। सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है कि समाज को आगे आना होगा और आंखें व मुंह बंद करने की बजाए ऐसी घटनाओं के खिलाफ बोलना होगा तभी इन घटनाओं पर अंकुश लगाया जा सकेगा।

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By K Vinay Kumar

The situation of widowed women in our country has not attracted the attention of policy-makers, may be because they are not a vocal group aggressively pressing for their rights and due place in the society. However, the situation of widows in our country is miserable on all the fronts – social, cultural and economic. They are treated in a degraded sub-human manner with various restrictions ranging from movement, clothing, holding of some items, to attending functions, etc. The widowed woman once expressed her pain – “I lost my husband, I was looked down by the family and the people surrounding me. The neighboring woman who would earlier come to speak to me, now went away as soon as they see me. If I cross their way, they would assume that something wrong will happen to them. What wrong did I do? It is my fate and destiny that I lost my husband but I didn’t choose to be a widow. If there is something which I can change, I could have certainly done it and saved my husband. But what could I do, if it is the decision of God? I also wanted to die rather than face these problems, but if I kill myself who will take care of my children. They will become orphans and I know no one will take care of them.” This statement by her has been haunting me for a long time. In rural India, women tend to be more worries about ‘what the society will say’, instead of caring for their own happiness and convenience. It is time that the governments do not neglect the sufferings of the widowed women in our country.

The economic hardships that widows face, is worth drawing attention to. We cannot presume that the conditions of urban widowed women are better than rural widowed women. In fact, they face more or less the same economic problems. A lot of widows in India are either illiterate or have only pursued basic education. Throughout their life, they have taken the household responsibilities, which is an unpaid twenty-four hours service. In this responsibility, they even forget the basic education that they have received and do not get time to work on any paid opportunities, making their economic situation worse off. 

The sudden demise of their loved one pushes many of them into a great social and psychological pressure which may end up in depression and other health issues. These women find it very difficult to gather the emotional courage and then also to compete in a market with younger women, who have advanced technical and communication skills. On one hand, they have the need to fetch a job for their children, pay their fees and meet their daily needs. On the other hand, they have no government schemes to benefit from, no space in the job market and no skills to help them fetch a livelihood. This pushes them to look for a job in informal sectors, where they are exploited to another extent without proper timings, overwork, hard to perform tasks, compromised safety measures, which may also endanger their lives. By seeing their mothers working hard to meet the demands of the house, the children of these families look for a job (sometime on the right path or some time on the wrong path) to supplement the resources by neglecting their education, sometimes getting trapped in illegal activities.

Different state governments are giving financial assistance which may not even be enough for a one time breakfast of their party MLA’s or MP’s, ranging from 200 to 2000 Rs. This financial assistance would barely cater to their needs apart from great uncertainties because of the range of requirements to be met, at the mercy of local political leaders, at the mercy of Panchayat officials and at last subject to the availability of funds. 

In some cases, half of the money that is deposited in the name of the financial assistance gets exhausted on the day of withdrawal itself, because of the travel requirements to get the money from banks. The names of these financial assistance programs are themselves so discriminating in nature as they use the terms such as  ‘vidhwa’, ‘vithanthu’, etc. Can’t we use some respectful words to change the attitudes of the people towards them as done in other cases? For example, the right term to be used for those who are differently abled is ‘divyang’.  

However keeping aside the terminology, let us continue with their financial assistance issues. Why I am emphasizing about the financial assistance is that this mere Rs. 200 or 2000 leaves these widows dependent on the governments. Once the government changes, this groups tends to be completely forgotten. So the governments need to bring forth a systemic program to ensure their financial independence and overall wellbeing. Many of these widows are willing to work, provided they are given adequate financial assistance to have their own source of livelihood such as assistance in establishing small shops, producing food items, establishing flour mills etc. 

If the governments could start a policy to empower the widows with financial assistance with subsidy, without guarantee and at a minimal or zero percent interest ranging from Rs. 50,000 to 1,00000, it could give a start to a new journey and make them financially independent. 

Widows are the prime targets for harassment not only at the workplace but also in their neighborhood. Recently I came across a case where an individual has been targeting single women through matrimonial websites. He targeted divorced and widowed women, married seven women and the count may be more but no single women filed a case against him. This is because of the lack of support from the family members and negligence of the society to their appeals. Most families prevent these women from approaching the police and taking legal action. The few who manage to report these cases, usually don’t have enough resources to employ a lawyer and fight. Add to this, the pressure that comes from the local leaders to settle the case, where police too plays their part in asking for their share of the bribe. So these women take a back-foot, considering the social atmosphere and other responsibilities in day-to-day life. 

The problem of the elderly widowed women is beyond description because of the lack of proper care, lack of food and increased medical expenditure which even pushes them some time to commit suicide. When I met Lakshmamma, an elderly widowed woman in my village, she said that she has four sons and two daughters, all are married and they are busy in their lives.  It has become difficult for them to meet their own needs, so she didn’t want to disturb them. The Government gives two thousand rupees and 5 Kgs of rice. That’s how she manages. She cooks in the afternoon and keeps a part of it for the night. If there is any medical problem, she goes to the government hospital and gets some medicines. 

When I asked  – “what will you do in case of any serious medical issue?” She replied – “What will I do now, I have lived enough. I am ready to go, whenever there is a call from god.”

 According to estimates, there are nearly 40 million widows in India and their number is rising year on year. In 2001 total number of widowed women is 18.5 lakh or 0.7 % of the total population and their number increased hugely in 2011 to 4.6% or 5.6 crores. This number might increase in the upcoming 2022 census because of the pandemic and the poverty that it has brought. So, it is a need of the hour that the central-state governments have to formulate a policy that would help them to become financially independent. For this governments have to establish skill imparting centers to ensure that they develop as entrepreneurs. The CSR funds can be roped in as an initial grant to start their own venture. Hope the government will make moves in this way to help the mothers and sisters of my country who lost their loved ones.   

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By Bhoomika Chaudhary

When I first visited Karauli in Rajasthan for work, I was shaken! I saw unfathomable misery around. Village after village filled with widows of sandstone workers affected by a deadly disease called Silicosis. They are drowned with debt, without enough money for their children’s education, food, health or other necessary expenses.

I wanted to do something to alleviate their misery and bring about the change I wanted to see. We are taking the first step towards that by starting a project, with an incredible NGO Daang Vikas Sansthan, to support such widows by providing a source of livelihood.

This will be done by giving them goats. These goats will give them milk and curd for many years before they can be sold in the market for money.

Please come forward, donate and become a part of someone’s life who needs you!

Payment details can be fetched by sending a message to +91 91363 65065.

Watch Here :

जब मैं पहली बार राजस्थान में काम के लिए करौली गई थी, तो मैं हिल गई थी! मैंने चारों ओर अथाह दुख देखा। सिलिकोसिस नामक घातक बीमारी से पीड़ित बलुआ पत्थर श्रमिकों की विधवाओं से भरा गांव दर गांव देखा। वे अपने बच्चों की शिक्षा, भोजन, स्वास्थ्य या अन्य आवश्यक खर्चों के लिए पर्याप्त धन के बिना, कर्ज में डूबे हुए हैं।

मैं उनके दुखों को कम करने और मैं जो बदलाव देखना चाहती थी, उसे लाने के लिए कुछ करना चाहती थी I हम एक एनजीओ ‘डांग विकास संस्थान’ के साथ एक परियोजना शुरू करके उस दिशा में पहला कदम उठा रहे हैं, जिससे ऐसी विधवाओं को आजीविका का स्रोत प्रदान किया जा सके।

यह उन्हें बकरियां देकर किया जाएगा। पैसे के लिए बाजार में बिकने से पहले ये बकरियां उन्हें कई सालों तक दूध और दही देती रहेंगी।
कृपया आगे आएं, दान करें और किसी ऐसे व्यक्ति के जीवन का हिस्सा बनें जिसे आपकी आवश्यकता है!

भुगतान विवरण +91 91363 65065 पर संदेश भेजकर प्राप्त किया जा सकता है।

यहां देखें:

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By Radhika Barman

Congress party is bringing a big change in the country, starting from Uttar Pradesh, where it has given poll tickets to those who have suffered injustice at the hands of the ruling BJP.

Recently, Priyanka Gandhi came in news for empowering women by making them fight for elections. Asha Singh, whose daughter was raped and whose husband died in judicial custody, is to contest from Unnao on the Congress ticket. 

An ASHA worker who was roughed up by the police, a Congress leader who was jailed during Anti-CAA protests, and now yet activist who was attacked during Panchayat elections are all amonst the first list of Congress candidates in UP.  Priyanka Gandhi does seem to walk the talk in UP. On the other hand, BJP gave a ticket to Kuldeep Sengar’s wife in the panchayat polls only to cancel it later. 

Democracy is a government of the people, for the people and by the people, we were taught. But in reality, the democracy we have grown up with has been governments of, for, and by the politicians. For the first time in my memory, a major national party seems to change that.

Tickets have been granted to the most marginalized people born on the wrong end of the power structure, people who’ve known oppression, and people who have fought against it. They are survivors, not victims. They understand the pain, and will hopefully be empathetic legislators.

Yes, they may lack “experience and intimate know-how of the system”, and we have no idea of their competence since they have never been tested. But unless given the opportunity, how will anyone gain experience? 

Some may dismiss this as “tokenism”. But why would a party that is fighting a “do or die” election risk pandering to tokenism? Congress is talking of empowering the marginalized, and they are walking the talk. I, for one, rejoice. 

Whether the congress wins or loses, for the first time a major party has given tickets to the truly marginalized.

If change has to come, it can only come by empowering marginalized people who have known oppression. Others speak of upliftment, Congress in UP seems to be working towards it. It will be hypocrisy to dismiss it off on the name of tokenism, as it not only dismisses the challenges that will be faced by an abuse survivor to fight a tough political battle but also subscribes to the narrow-minded rape taboo. Instead of sympathizing over the “abuse” prefix let us be empathetic enough to acknowledge the importance of changing power structures, as that is the real fight in Indian democracy, much beyond elections. 

Lasting social change will only come when the most marginalized are empowered to speak for themselves. And that’s what feminism stands for – true equality for everyone and recognising the humanness in everyone. For this, what’s needed is not passive defence of toxic masculinity but affirmative actions of bringing people from all diaspora to have a real chance at contesting and winning elections. 

Thus, in a world of clashing interests – war against peace, nationalism against internationalism, equality against greed, and democracy against elitism, the UP elections are now a litmus test. It is a test of our humane credentials as to whether we subscribe to the idea of hate, violence, misogyny or love, peace, and progress. Whether or not, India will choose love over hate, is a question of time, but all we can hope for now is that the political fabric continues to strengthen itself to be inclusive.

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By Srishti Sarraf 

“Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”

The comment of Nelson Mandela is and should be the real purpose of education. But the state of affairs at Indian educational institutions tells a different story. In India, caste continues to be a dominant narrative at educational institutions and caste discrimination runs rampant, thus interfering with the conducive atmosphere needed for the pursuit of education. 

The gravity of this matter very recently came to light when the news of the PhD student Deepa Mohanan, made headlines. She is a Dalit student from Kottayam’s Mahatma Gandhi University, who resorted to a 11-day hunger strike to get heard against the discrimination that she faced, both at an individual and institutional level, for over a decade. Her fight did yield results and the Director of the Institute who discriminated against her, was removed. 

This 36-year-old scientist mustered a lot of courage to open up against the caste-based discrimination that she faced. She revealed that her struggle is a decade long as she has been protesting against the concerned authorities since 2011, when she had first joined the course. However her problems worsened after she joined the PhD course at the same institution. She says that she was denied access to resources needed to complete her PhD and that the institution made her do everything but actual research. She also says that she often faced verbal abuse and the Director himself made casteist remarks several times. She even made allegations of sexual harassment. Her demand was for a change in her research guide, and the removal of Nandakumar Kalarikkal, the director of the International and Inter-University Centre for Nanoscience and Nanotechnology (IIUCNN), from the institute.  

It all started in 2011, when according to Deepa Mohanan, Nandakumar Kalarikkal, her professor at the institute left no stone unturned to create hurdles for Mohanan in pursuing her doctorate. From the very beginning, she decided to speak up for her rights but despite complaints to the police and the university administration, her harasser was not held accountable. When all her efforts failed even six years after her initial complaint was found faithful, Mohanan went on an indefinite hunger strike on 29 November 2021 seeking Kalarikkal’s expulsion from the institute. More particularly, in an open letter that she posted on Facebook on 31 October 2021, Mohanan wrote: “I cannot move back from the protest without fighting for justice. I should fight for my people. I should win here for many who lost.”

Notably, this isn’t the first case of this sort. For instance, a few years back, Rohit Vermula suicide case was in light that also relates to the discrimination of a lower caste Dalit PhD student at university, who was left with no option but to take the harsh step to commit suicide. According to sources his suicide note mentioned his depression as he wrote “My birth is a fatal accident.” Further, there have been other reported instances when students from oppressed caste have chosen to die by suicide when the prospects of justice appear dim to them such as Anil MeenaBalmukund BhartiSenthil KumarRohith VemulaJ MuthukrishnanOmkar Baridabad, and Payal Tadvi

Hopefully, the apex higher education regulator – the University Grant Commission upon receiving several reports of the suffering of students and faculty members in some of the leading institutions of the country and witnessing the surge in caste-based discrimination has urged the universities and colleges to prevent such incidents. In this regard, UGC in its letter dated 14th September 2020 instructed the institutions to ensure that the officials and faculty members must avoid any act of discrimination against SC/ ST/ OBC students on grounds of their social origin.

Reports suggest that India’s 200 million Dalits, who are on the lowest rung of an ancient caste hierarchy, still struggle to access education and jobs six decades after India banned caste-based discrimination and introduced minimum quotas to boost their representation. Thus, the government has to develop policies aimed at the social and economic advancement of the Dalit population. Even though the Constitution of India, the supreme law of the country, guarantees equal entitlement over fundamental rights to everyone and to materialize this there exist specific legislations, but the ground reality leaves much to be desired. India’s caste system is perhaps the world’s longest surviving social hierarchy. 

Traditional scholarship has described this more than 2,000-year-old system within the context of the four principal varnas, or large caste categories. In order of precedence, these are the Brahmins (priests and teachers), the Kshatriyas (rulers and soldiers), the Vaisyas (merchants and traders), and the Shudras (labourers and artisans). A fifth category falls outside the varna system and consists of those known as “untouchables” or Dalits; they are often assigned tasks too ritually polluting to merit inclusion within the ancient Varna system. All ancient authorities concurred that caste was assigned to a person at birth and could not be changed; with each caste was associated a profession, and all castes were arranged in a hierarchy. 

Here one must note that the caste system has its repercussions on access to education, high drop-out and lower literacy rates among lower-caste populations. But they have rather simplistically been characterized as the natural consequences of poverty and underdevelopment. Mohanan’s case is significant as her resistance has made her one of few Dalits able to achieve some justice in a system rife with casteism. Moreover, this young lady has turned out to be a source of true inspiration for those Dalit students who dream of pursuing higher education. However, the other side of the coin says that though now hailed as a success story, Mohanan’s struggle is a telling example of how the spirit of the constitutional promises is diluted. Thus, at present, it is important to ensure adherence to the Constitution that to not just as a mere legal exercise but in substance and spirit.

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By Pooja Bhattacharjee

Advertisements have been an important medium for companies to promote their products through powerful messaging. Thus many companies try to come up with unique taglines or innovative ideas that people associate with their brand products. Marketing in India has become increasingly focused on gender roles, family hierarchy, and traditional marriage practices. Companies usually resort to ad campaigns which have a major issue of objectification and stereotyping women. In the process of attracting attention to aid recall, advertisers often resort to sexual themes. Evidently, such themes demand the presence of attractive women and explicit plots. These themes often lead to portrayals of a particular gender (mostly women) in a derogatory fashion. 

When we act out our roles in everyday life, we internalize received information on our identity in the form of social “scripts” that we repeat and perfect over time. Popular culture often provides striking examples of such gendered scripts, as evident from studies on television and advertising as well as in social media and music. Traditional scripts require rewriting to fit new and previously unimagined situations. The makers need to be conscious of what they are putting out in the public sphere, either way, even as an act of morality and responsibility towards the society. This is the right time to revisit the advertising culture in India over the years and studying its relevance in the 21st Century. 

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This Usha ad from 1980s has the tagline, ‘train’ her to be the ‘ideal housewife’. The idea behind the ad that all girls should be raised to be the ideal housewives is problematic since it doesn’t directly target women to buy their products, however, it’s speaking to the parents or the person who has authority over the girl to ‘train’ her to be ideal housewife by getting this product. This ad is highly misogynist in the sense that it’s setting a bar for women to be ‘ideal’, which shouldn’t have existed in the first place. Furthermore, the fact that this ad aired in the 1980s, the highly patriarchal era where women did not much autonomy, it can only be inferred how much added stress they might have to endure to be the ideal type. This and many other sexist ads which came out decades ago cannot be absolved of the liability just because it came out a long time ago. They did contribute to the set gender norms which we are still fighting today. 

An analysis of Indian advertisements on television and YouTube has shown that while they are superior to global benchmarks, insofar as girls and women have parity of representation in terms of screen and speaking time, their portrayal is problematic and have misogynist roots, as they further gender stereotypes – women are more likely to be shown as married, less likely to be shown in paid occupation, and more likely to be depicted as caretakers and parents than male characters. 

A study by UNICEF and the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media (GDI) titled “Gender Bias and Inclusion In Advertising In India” finds that female characters dominate screen time (59.7%) and speaking time (56.3%) in Indian ads, but one of the drivers of this is their depiction for selling cleaning supplies, food and beauty products to female consumers. For example, almost all the detergent and food commercials depicted a woman caretaking for her family who speaks directly to women viewers about caring for their families. In comparison, in a separate study by GDI for setting global benchmarks it was found that ads in the U.S. show women with half the screen time (30.6%) and nearly half the speaking time (33.5%).

A few years ago, HUL was criticized for a misleading Vim bar ad. The ad video depicted the life of Afroz – who was the Pradhan and encouraged to stand for the elections by her husband as he felt that she was a better candidate for the post than him because she had studied more than him. The ad then shows clips of Afroz working and interacting with locals. Afroz tells us that she’s the Pradhan but she’s also a homemaker. The ad ends with a shot of her washing  dishes with Vim soap. For few people, this ad may look innocent enough – a woman in power in a professional capacity comes home and does the domestic chores. Maybe this perception comes from the misogyny that we have internalized over the years – and the juxtaposition of  women’s professional success with their efforts on the domestic front all the time. 

There’s nothing wrong with washing dishes and the backlash that this ad got is not a criticism of Afroz or her husband. This is about how Vim appropriated this story and the way in which they chose to tell it. Making it palatable enough for those of us who cannot handle a woman’s success if she isn’t also simultaneously a domestic goddess.

The study shows that two-thirds of female characters (66.9%) in Indian ads have light or medium-light skin tones — a higher percentage than male characters (52.1%). Female characters are nine times more likely to be shown as “stunning/very attractive” than male characters (5.9% compared with 0.6%). Female characters are also invariably thin, but male characters appear with a variety of body sizes in Indian advertising. 

A greater percentage of female characters is depicted as married than male characters (11.0% compared with 8.8%). Female characters are three times more likely to be depicted as parents than male characters (18.7% compared with 5.9%). While male characters are more likely to be shown making decisions about their future than female characters (7.3% compared with 4.8%), the latter are twice as likely to be shown making household decisions than male characters (4.9% compared with 2.0%). For characters where intelligence is part of their character in the ad, male characters are more likely to be shown as smart than female characters (32.2% compared to 26.2%). Male characters are almost twice as likely to be shown as funny than female characters (19.1% compared to 11.9%). 

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This unimpressionable ad of Jack & Jones released in 2016 shows a man objectifying women and letting them ‘hold him back’. The picture provides an apt summary of what the campaign is about. ‘Don’t hold back’, usually used as an empowering message is used here for a man to assert his power over a woman. Moreover, this ad seems to glorify sexual assault at work. Many ads objectify women by using them as ‘props’ in the ads- meaning that their presence limited to the background solely to provide a sexual appeal. 

Airtel recently released an ad – it begins with a man sitting at the head of the table while his daughters, wife and mother are asking him to pay their bills. The man then looks at the camera and says it’s his duty to pay the bills since he’s the CEO of the house. Though this one didn’t gain as much criticism as the other ads, the subtle undertone of sexism does not go unnoticed. They all played a role in stereotyping the gender roles. 

Misrepresentation and harmful stereotypes of women in advertising have a significant impact on women — and young girls — and how they view themselves and their value to society. While we do see female representation dominate in Indian ads, they are still marginalized by colorism, hyper-sexualization, and without careers or aspirations outside of the home,” said Geena Davis, Academy Award Winning Actor, Founder and Chair of the GDI adding that the stark inequality evident in portrayals of females in these advertisements must be addressed to ensure an equitable society.

Some ad campaigns are becoming increasingly aware of their presence in this industry. Social marketing has brought forth different forms of ‘femvertizing’– which is female empowerment through socially-focused marketing. This is done in a way that not only challenges but also reverses the traditionally dominant roles that Indian fathers, sons, and husbands assume with the women in their lives.

The ads of the detergent brand Ariel with tagline ‘share the load’ has been applauded for its inclusivity and helping in demystifying the pre-set gendered notions through this platform.

Also, more than a quarter of a century after Cadbury released its advertisement featuring model Shimona Rashi on the sidelines of a cricket match and zoomed past the security to celebrate with a dance on field when the cricketer – presumably her boyfriend – scored the winning run, Cadbury has reimagined this advertisement – changing very little except gender roles. This time it’s the same scene, expect it is a man on the sidelines and it’s a women’s match. Inter changing the gender in this advertisement also magnifies women’s achievements after the struggles women had to endure to reach this position. 

Only time will tell which course the advertising sector will take. It is high time that the advertisement makers stop using satire while referring to women. Especially in this world where a new generation of feminist Indian marketers are using publicity to reach larger consumer audiences and to reframe the dominant gender discourse, recognizing the hugely important role that women play in global consumption. 

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Authors: Mitali Nikore, Khyati Bhatnagar, Priyal Mundhra

Research assistance: Ishita Upadhyay, Girish Sharma, Shruti Jha

India’s growing economy needs 103 million skilled workers between 2017-2022. Yet, over 100 million Indian youth (15-29 years) are not in education, employment or training (NEET), of which around 88.5 million are young women. The proportion of working-age women receiving any form of vocational training over the past decade has been increasing from 6.8% in 2011-12 to 6.9% in 2018-19, vs. an increase from 14.6% to 15.7% for men.

Furthermore, there is a concentration of women trainees in non-engineering, labour-intensive sectors and job roles. Under the flagship Prime Minister Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) for short-term skilling, although women comprised 49.9% of enrolled candidates over 2016-2020, they remained concentrated in traditional, “feminised” sectors such as beauty, apparel and healthcare, and almost entirely excluded from high technology or more mechanised sectors. Between 2014-19, women comprised 17% of enrolment at Industrial Training Institutes (ITI). Women formed only 4.3% of enrollments in engineering trades vs 54.7% in non- engineering trades.

Source: NSDC Analysis, June 2020

In this context, prolonged closures of education and skilling facilities during the COVID-19 pandemic are creating new barriers, especially for young women trying to enter the labour force. Between September 2020 to May 2021, Nikore Associates undertook consultations with over 60 stakeholders belonging to community-based organisations (CBOs), academic institutions, government agencies, women-led self-help groups (SHGs), and corporates to understand these barriers.

1. Gender-based digital divide: During COVID-19, several CBOs switched to online and Whatsapp-based skill training modules. However, in 2020, 25% of India’s adult female population owned a smartphone vs. 41% of men. Consultations showed that owing to lower ownership of smartphones, unfamiliarity with phone features, high data costs, and lower priority being accorded to women’s skill training, several women and adolescent girls dropped out of training. In one example of this, a Mumbai based NGO shared that large family sizes necessitated phone-sharing. Coupled with financial constraints which limited the purchase of internet packages, women’s enrolment in their online skill training courses had fallen.

2. Unpaid work: Indian women were already spending an average of 5 hours per day on unpaid care work, vs. 30 minutes spent by men pre-COVID-19. Nearly 45% of women’s unpaid work is centered around childcare, and the unavailability of creche facilities at skill centers deters women with caregiving responsibilities from joining. Consultations across social groups revealed that the presence of male relatives and children at home due to closure of workplaces and schools led to an increase in care work. For instance, an SHG mobiliser in Telangana shared that the women in her community were unable to attend trainings and SHG meetings owing to domestic work.

3. Commuting options and mobility restrictions: Even before COVID-19, 28.3% of women enrolled in ITIs cited difficulty in commuting as their reason for withdrawing from skill training. Lockdown measures disrupted public transport services, increased the risk of gendered violence in empty public spaces, and heightened mobility restrictions for women. For instance, a Manipur-based CBO shared that even after lockdowns eased and training centers re-opened, women were unable to re-join trainings as they did not have a means to commute.

4. Social norms. In a pre-COVID-19 survey, 58% of female trainees cited marriage, 21% cited family issues, and another 7.5% cited family perception of ITIs being more suited for males as major reasons dropping out of skill training programs. Consultations show that with COVID-19, families have become even more reluctant to allow young women to step out for training. For instance, a Delhi-based CBO conducting training for women to take up cab-driving saw much higher resistance from families post COVID-19.

5. Wage gaps and low likelihood of employment post training: Even after training, women’s likelihood of obtaining a job was lower than men. About 46.9% of women who received formal vocational training did not enter the labour force, vs. 12.7% of men (NSSO 2019). An analysis of data from 64 ITIs shows that only 25.6% of female trainees received job offers in 2018-19. In a survey of employers, 50% of MSMEs and 32% of large companies expressed a reluctance to employ women owing to the need to ensuring their security, risks with involving them in heavy manual labour, and their interest in working in closer proximity to their homes. Women also suffer gendered wage gaps. Between 1993-2018, the average wages for female casual workers in urban settings stood at ~63% of the male wage. Consultations showed that during COVID-19, these gender-biases could worsen, especially across small businesses owing to repeated macroeconomic shocks and working capital constraints.

The Government of India (GOI) has recognized women as a priority group under the Skill India Mission. Further, the GOI’s recent announcement to conduct a tracer study to gauge the impact of PMKVY on female labour force participation is a much-needed intervention to understand the correlation between skill development and employability for women.

As the country moves on to a medium-term path of economic recovery post-COVID19, several additional measures can be considered by the GOI to encourage government and private training providers to undertake gender-inclusive skilling interventions.

The GOI could formulate an incentives-based approach with gender targets for all courses under its National Skill Qualification Framework (NSQF). Reward mechanisms can be created such that training partners become eligible for additional financial support if new modules are devised for women’s training, or if there is an increase in enrolment and placement of female candidates, especially in non-traditional trades.

A composite national and state level ranking of skilling institutes should be devised to assess gender mainstreaming efforts, including increasing awareness, recruiting female faculty and offering counselling services for female candidates and potential employers.

There is also an urgent need to create gender sensitive infrastructure at skill training institutions, with procurement standards of private training partners under government schemes mandating separate washrooms, strict security, balanced gender ratio of trainers and the provision of safe transport. Gender sensitive infrastructure should be standardized across all government and private skilling institutes.

A host of long-term structural barriers, such as occupational segregation, the income effect of rising household-incomes, and increased mechanization, which when combined with increased unpaid work, growing gender disparities in education, and heightened mobility restrictions due to the pandemic, have intensified the challenges of bringing women back to work. Thus, bridging the gender gaps in skill training and making women ready for a digitized, technology-driven post-COVID-19 workplace, should be a priority for GOI.

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The Womb is an e-platform to bring together a community of people who are passionate about women rights and gender justice. It hopes to create space for women issues in the media which are oft neglected and mostly negative. For our boys and girls to grow up in a world where everyone has equal opportunity irrespective of gender, it is important to create this space for women issues and women stories, to offset the patriarchal tilt in our mainstream media and society.

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