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Kolkata

Brothel Soil For Dussehra Idol: An Ironic Symbol Of ‘RESPECT’

by Guest Author 08/12/2024

written by Guest Author

By Lauren Prem

“The first revolution is when you change your mind” – Gil Scott-Heron

Festivals and traditions bring people together, be it for sharing joy or age-old miseries! The yearly routine of sculpting Durga goddess’s idol for Dussehra, has taken a revolutionary turn this year as sex workers in Sonagachi refuse to give brothel soil for sculpting the Durga goddess, as a form of protest demanding safety and justice for women in the society. The Hindu tradition involves fulfillment of certain sacred requirements when it comes to collecting soil for sculpting the Durga idol. One of the requirements, that has turned extremely controversial, is the use of brothel soil for sculpting.

People from different sections of the society joined the RG Kar Protest, including sex workers from Sonagachi. They gave a radical touch to this protest by stating that they would not give soil for Durga till justice is served. The tradition of soil collection also entails that no one must demand soil from sex workers. Rather, it must be requested. Therefore, the eve of Durga depicts an ironic, sad situation where sex workers, who are otherwise excluded from the society, are requested for soil.

The particular demand of Sonagachi sex workers is not merely justice to the victim of the RG Kar rape and murder case. More so, this case is being used by the sex workers to highlight the pathetic situation of women across the country in general and sex workers in particular. By ‘till justice is served’, they mean to emphasize the cruelty inflicted upon women in our country. While putting forth their demands, they precisely stress upon the fact that sex workers’ families and children do not have the sense of security that other families generally do.

The RG Kar rape and murder case is not the main reason for the refusal of brothel soil. A sex worker clarified that the important reason for this refusal is due to the lack of acceptance regarding the profession of sex work itself. Further, they also underscore the safety of women to be at stake in every place, not just brothels and how reporting of such cases are very less compared to the actual incidents that take place.

Numerous beliefs are attached to the use of brothel soil for Dussehra. According to Vedic studies, nine women are worshipped for Durga Puja. A nati (dancer/actress), a vaishya (prostitute), rajaki (laundry girl), a brahmani (Brahmin girl), a shudra, a gopala (milkmaid) form these nine categories, also known as ‘Navakańyās.’ The use of brothel soil is considered to be a form of worship or respect to one of these nine categories of women – the Vaishyas.

This Vedic interpretation that bases the tradition on worship and respect flies in the face of reality. Symbolic traditions of reverence hold no value when someone’s reality is filled with struggles. The NHRC survey on rehabilitation, poverty eradication and employment generation revealed the true condition of sex workers in the districts of Kolkata. The report suggested, an obvious fact that majority of the sex workers lived in poverty. The shocking fact is that around 80% of the workers professed sex work unwillingly.

Another prominent belief underlying this tradition is the brothel soil being a place where people shed their virtuous attributes and enter the world of carnal desire and sin. This is a long-ingrained stereotype that has totally led to ostracization of sex workers. The stereotype is premised on the belief that sex work itself is an undignified job and therefore, they do not deserve to lead a life with dignity.

The plight of sex workers, recorded in the NHRC survey mentioned above, reveals an absence of dignity that all of us, common people, assert to be a matter of basic right. The constitution that upholds right to dignity under article 21 – right to life, has practically failed. The provision which begins with the term ‘no person’ implies a sense of dignity for all, and not to a few persons. Yet, discrimination based on stereotypes are the reality of life, a curse that law has failed to cure.

Festivals generally symbolise happiness, love and unity among people. On the flip side, they reflect a dark reality – one where people are celebrated without being accorded the most basic human rights. As Gil Scott-Heron states, “The first revolution is when you change your mind.” Sex workers have changed their mind about hypocritic traditional symbols that portray love and reverence only during the time of festivals and not otherwise. The society must not have the benefit of portraying itself as unified and loving when it is not.

Durga Puja – a festival celebrating women, ironically excludes certain women from leading a dignified life like others. A thousand judgements upholding sex workers’ rights would prove to be unfruitful if we as a society recognize do not them as equals with dignity. Laws and verdicts would be useless if the reality presents an entirely different scene. While law certainly is the first step, societal changes that shape mindsets, subsequently make the society a comfortable place for everyone to live!

08/12/2024 0 comments 36 views

Shakti Rupena Sansthita: The One Who Resides in All Beings as Shakti

by Guest Author 14/12/2024

written by Guest Author

By Aritri Roy Chowdhury

Ask any Bengali, she will tell you that the advent of autumn (sarat) is marked by the fragrance of Pujo in the air or as we say in Bangla “Pujo pujo gondho hawaye”.

Pujo, Durga Pujo, is Bengal’s biggest cultural and religious celebration. Panchami to Dashami is 5 days filled with festivities eagerly awaited by all Bengalis across the globe. Being born and raised in a typical Bengali household and having grown up in Kolkata, Pujo marks a week of celebrations and good food for me. As children, we used to wait all year long for these five days. Pujo meant new clothes, good food, unlimited playtime, and “thakur dekha” (going around different pandals to see the Maa Durga’s idol). During Puja, we would gather at my grandparents’ house where our otherwise nuclear families would seamlessly integrate into a giant joint family. My father and uncles would take over the kitchen and household chores so that the women could take part in the festivities and enjoy. In fact, whenever there were any celebrations in the house or during weekends, the men took over the kitchen and my father’s eldest brother, my Jeu, was assigned the job of looking after all the children in the house. Jeu would feed us, bathe us, tell us stories, and take us out to nearby pandals. We never felt anything lacking in the caregiving process. Men and women equally participated in all household assignments.

As a child, I did not realize the immense significance of this seemingly tiny system in my house, but as an adult, I did. Law school was the first time I came across men who couldn’t cook or do any of the basic household chores and looked upon these tasks as only meant for ‘women’. I was taken aback. For me, the distinction between men and women never existed. I had grown up with three cousins, all boys, and never felt, or was made to feel, that I was any less than them. I was never asked to do anything at home because I was the ‘sister’ or the ‘girl’. Women in my family did not ‘serve’ men. They worked as a team. I understood much later that most Bengali households function similarly. Being in a girls’ school, I was surrounded by women all my life. Strong, independent women raised by parents who saw the child as a child and attached no merit to the child’s gender.

Durga Pujo to me is much like the normal Bengali household; it celebrates women and the entire city comes together to bask in the glory of the divine power that symbolizes victory of good over evil.

We were told the story of Durga Maa by my grandmother. Maa Durga, also called ‘Mahishasurmardini’ killed the deceitful, shape-shifting demon- Mahisasur. Legend goes that Mahisasur was granted a boon that he could not be killed by a ‘man or animal’. Thus, he assumed he was immortal and invincible because, for him, a woman was the weaker sex, who did not have the strength to defeat him. It was this arrogance that led to his downfall. Maa Durga, the Shakti that runs the Universe, not only killed Mahisasur but also vanquished his pride of being a ‘man’, of being more ‘powerful’ than a woman.

This year’s Pujo somehow has brought the legend back to life. It is different from the Pujos I have spent all my life, yet the essence of it remains the same. My entire city has come together to stand up for its daughter, Abhaya, and remind all that no one is ‘all-powerful’. Women, from all walks of life, joined by men have decided to stand up against the horrific rape and murder of Abhaya. The past few months, leading up to Pujo have seen women “claim the night” to fight for equality and safety at the workplace and the city has witnessed historic protests led and sustained by commoners. Durga Puja which is essentially the period that reminds us good has to triumph over evil started a little early this year. On 9 August 2024, the brutal rape and murder of Abhaya shook the core of every Bengali’s conscience. It made every Bengali pledge they would stand up for their daughter. People across the State have united, come forward, walked across the city protesting and lamenting the death of their daughter, and demanded safer spaces for women with a clarion call for ‘justice’.

The divine ‘Shakti’ has taken her form in the minds of thousands who have defied the ‘Asuric’ forces to unveil their collective strength and have embarked on the journey to ensure that every Durga is safe in this city which celebrates her every year. This year Pujo is symbolic of the culture that nurtures, hones, and empowers women, which sees women as equals in the societal structure and is determined to take over any forces that try to do otherwise. This time Maa Durga has not come in the form of idols. This time she has come in the form of ‘shakti’ which is keeping people on the roads protesting against injustices met out to the daughter of the city. This year Maa has come in the form of the collective consciousness which is running through the length and breadth of the city. The one that unites, the one that makes you believe in the spirit of the human race that has awakened to avenge every injustice and set things right.

Maa did not wait for Sarat to set in to come home. She came much before that and since her advent, the city has been engaged in a tumultuous fight with the ‘demonic forces’. The little Bengali girl in me who has grown up to the stories of her ‘Shakti’ is finally seeing it unfold before her eyes and I am more than certain, even this time, Maa will prevail. Justice shall prevail. This time the air does not only bear the fragrance of Pujo, it also carries with it the stories of gut, grit and courage. It carries Maa’s energy all over the city. It ushers in the new story of equality where men and women have again stepped in to ensure justice is met out to all.

On that note, Dugga Dugga to you all. I hope you all stand with her to join the right forces.

14/12/2024 0 comments 38 views

Charity Begins at Home: Political Parties Must Lead the Way to Make Working Spaces Safe for Women

by Editor 08/12/2024

written by Editor

By Kanksshi Agarwal & Avani Bansal

(First published by The Wire: https://thewire.in/politics/charity-begins-at-home-political-parties-must-lead-the-way-to-make-working-spaces-safe-for-women)

The mind-numbing story of the brutal rape and murder of a young doctor at RG Kar Hospital in Kolkata has left us all aghast! Colloquially being called Nirbhaya 2.0, people, especially women, hitting the streets at midnight under ‘Reclaim the Night’, is all but a sombre reminder of history repeating itself.

While the leader of every political party has expressed disgust and condemned the incident, the question is – will anything change for women’s safety or just a couple of protests before everything returns to business as usual?

It was heartening to see that across party lines, political leaders expressed the need to see the guilty punished but we also saw calls for not ‘politicising’ the issue.

Mamata Banerjee is reported to have said: “I want to tell these political parties – don’t try to politicise the incident just for a few likes on social media and media footage.”

Sagarika Ghose said, “As the mother of a doctor I am appalled and shocked at the heinous ghastly crime at RG Kar hospital over which there should be NO politics…”

“I would like to express my pain once again, from the Red Fort today. As a society, we will have to think seriously about the atrocities against women that are happening – there is outrage against this in the country. I can feel this outrage. The country, society, and state governments will have to take this seriously,” Prime Minister Narendra Mod said from the Red Fort on Independence Day.

Rahul Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition, also took to X (formerly, Twitter) to express his deep shock at the Kolkata incident and expressed that women and the doctor community are feeling unsafe. He also suggested that from Hathras to Unnao, and from Kathua to Kolkata, there is a rising number of incidents of violence against women and every sector of the society needs to discuss and take concrete steps towards addressing this.

So if all top political leaders are aligned on the need to address women’s safety – will they take the necessary steps, voluntarily, to address women’s safety in political parties?

In the wake of the Kolkata ghastly rape, the real question is – will the political parties in India take it upon themselves to implement PoSH (Prevention of Sexual Harassment at Workplace, 2013) within political parties? After all, no one would argue that the safety of women is also much needed in political spaces, as well as in informal sectors.

A 2014 United Nations study, Violence Against Women In Politics highlighted the violent nature of politics in the subcontinent, during and after elections. Such violence, combined with a lack of implementation of protective laws dissuades women from joining the political arena.

As per a study published in Livemint (30/04/2014): Physical abuse suffered by women politicians in India is 45% as against 30% in Pakistan and 21% in Nepal. Verbal abuse suffered by women politicians in India is 49% as against 23% in Pakistan and 31% in Nepal.

The Centre for Social Research with the UN published a report on violence against women in politics in 2014: “Nearly 50% respondents said they faced verbal abuse and 45% said physical violence and threats were common, particularly true during election campaigns. 67% of women politicians said perpetrators were male contestants and 58% party colleagues. Violence and harassment at the hands of colleagues is a reason why we see only women from political families in politics.”

The UN General Assembly resolution 2018 (73/148): “Encourages national legislative authorities and political parties, as appropriate, to adopt codes of conduct and reporting mechanisms, or revise existing ones, stating zero tolerance by these legislative authorities and political parties for sexual harassment, intimidation and any other form of violence against women in politics.”

It is in accordance with this that the European Union passed Resolution No. 459, 2020 against violence against women in politics at the local and regional levels. Bolivia became the first Latin American country to criminalise violence against women in politics through Law No. 243 in 2012. Kenya, which has the highest representation of women in their parliament, thanks to reservation, has gone a step further and set up a Political Parties Disputes Tribunal, under the Political Parties Act 201. The UK Equality Act 2010 includes political parties. Peru, Mexico, and Costa Rica have bills pending in their parliaments to deal with violence against women in politics.

So why are the Indian political parties resting at “expressing deep concern and dismay” without actually taking steps to demonstrate their intention in real action? After all, no political party can be singled out, where the women haven’t raised serious questions regarding their male colleagues.

In the Kerala high court in Women in Cinema Collective v. State of Kerala (2018), the issue of bringing political parties within the ambit of the 2013 Act was raised but the high court did not deal with the matter at any length and did not consider whether members of a political party can be said to be in an employer-employee relationship, especially for members who may be employed by the party or even for those who work with a party on a voluntary basis.

But if all political parties are seriously enraged at the Kolkata incident, why not take voluntary steps to redress the situation, at least that which squarely falls within their own power by setting up voluntary mechanisms to address sexual harassment complaints?

After the landmark judgment of the Supreme Court in Vishaka, the Government of India enacted the PoSH law (Prevention of Sexual Harassment at Workplace, 2013), but with its implementation left entirely to district magistrates with no accountability measures in place, implies that it remains largely on paper.

For instance, under PoSH any workplace, private or public, which employs more than ten people is required to set up an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) for addressing complaints pertaining to sexual harassment by the employees. Even if the employees are working on a voluntary basis, or if the work-related meeting takes place at someone’s home, any incident of sexual harassment is covered within the ambit of the Act. All employers are also required to conduct mandatory training under the PoSH Act to sensitise all its workers towards the norms and the law under PoSH.

But why do politicians get away with making rules for others, while conveniently avoiding implementing them on themselves? Charity, as they say, begins at home!

This incident requires true inner reflection beyond everyday politics. It’s a call to all the conscious keepers in India, and all politicians who do truly espouse women’s cause in politics beyond lip service, to do more than ‘everyday politics’ in an ‘everyday way’. They need to do ‘visionary, nay revolutionary politics in revolutionary way’. It begins with voluntary steps, of doing what they very well can within their own control, of ensuring equal women representation at all levels, of giving women more than just symbolic space in politics, of making political spaces safe for women.

It can begin with all political parties voluntarily setting up an Internal Complaints Committee (ICC). If the argument is that it can be potentially abused, we have to be mindful that the law that applies to all corporates in the country, to all other workplaces, can also be resisted on the same logic. In fact, allowing for ICC means that women raising complaints will be subject to scrutiny by senior women leaders in the party and will be acted upon if found right. But establishing no mechanism for women to address it is akin to turning a blind eye or pushing women’s safety under the carpet.

True homage and justice to the young doctor will be coming forward from some politicians and setting up ICC within their own political parties, and then also setting up committees to explore systemic efforts needed across sectors to ensure the safety of women in India. Any visionary takers?

08/12/2024 0 comments 25 views

Public Outrage On Kolkata Doctor’s Death Case

by Guest Author 08/12/2024

written by Guest Author

By Lauren Prem

Rape and murder, considered brutal crimes, almost always evoke huge public outrage. Such is the recent case of a man, named Sanjay Roy, who is alleged to have committed rape and murder of a 31-year-old doctor, whose body was found on 9th August 2024, at the seminar room of R G Kar Medical College and Hospital, Kolkata. This horrendous incident has infuriated the Indian Medical Association (IMA) and so many doctors, across the state and other parts of India, leading them to protest regarding speedy imposition of punishment on those responsible for the said crimes.

Colloquially called the Nirbhaya 2.0, this incident has stunned the entire nation that was heading towards the goal of safety and equality. According to the autopsy report, the woman’s private parts were covered in blood, injury marks were present on her body and her neck was broken. This dismay strikes at the very core of a woman’s right to dignity and bodily autonomy under article 21 of the Constitution. The basic rights envisioned by the drafters of our Constitution, has repeatedly, proven to be at jeopardy due to the violence against women that happens in our country at an enormous rate.

This incident is devastating in the sense that it reinforces the safety issues faced by women at workplaces. An insecure working environment is not only a threat to the current women workforce, rather it prevents women, especially from rural areas, from entering the job sector. Indirectly, progress and independence of women is at stake, consequently obstructing the vision of equality that our Constitution envisages.

Apart from equality, sexual assault cases followed by horrific crimes like murder, indirectly prevent women from accessing other fundamental rights guaranteed under Part III of the Constitution. Instillment of fears regarding one’s safety obstructs the right to free movement enshrined in article 19(1)(d) of our Constitution. With regard to the case at hand, article 41 under the Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSPs), is relevant as it places an obligation on the state to secure right to work. A safe working environment can reasonably be interpreted to fall within the scope of this article. Remotely, women are obstructed from freely exercising their right to work due to the horrific message that such incidents communicate to the women in the society.

Other than impacting the career development of women, deep-seated stereotypes aggravate the trauma faced by women as a result of being victim to these crimes. Usually, women are considered to be at fault in rape and sexual assault cases. Victim-blaming is a very common term used in this context to denote the society’s denigrating attitude towards women – who are often accused of inviting the interest of sexual offenders through their clothing or actions. In this particular case, the principal of the College, Dr. Sandip Ghosh, was forced to step down after allegations of victim-blaming as he questioned why the woman was sleeping in the seminar room, rather than dealing with the main issue of safety and security.

According to the Kolkata police, the accused has confessed to the crime and the police had found a pornographic video on his phone. This particular digital record has direct relevance to the case at hand, owing to the detrimental effects of porn on an individual’s state of mind. While the Supreme Court considers access to pornography to be a part of one’s right to personal liberty under article 21, implementation of safety measures for women must be properly put in place. If not, this right would prove to be against the larger societal interests that are as, if not more, crucial as the right to personal liberty.

Public outcry, like in this case, is an expression of frustration towards the gender-based issues happening in our society, wherein the fault is completely perceived to be on the perpetrator rather than the victim. In this way, public outcry changes societal perceptions that is largely rooted in patriarchy, or male superiority. The change here represents a shift towards regarding fundamental rights as ultimate and a shift away from lingering stereotypes – those that form excuses for violence by placing the blame on women.

08/12/2024 0 comments 32 views

Rani Rashmoni – Defeating Orthodoxy, Patriarchy and the East India Company

by Srinivas Rayappa 08/12/2024

written by Srinivas Rayappa

By Srinivas Rayappa

Rashmoni was born on 28 September 1793 in Kona village, (in present-day Halisahar) to the blissful couple Harekrishna Das and Rampriya Devi. Her mother passed away when she was just seven years old. She was married to Babu Rajachandra Das, the wealthy scion of a zamindar-businessman family of Janbazar, Kolkata, when she was just eleven years old. Her loving and understanding husband allowed her unfettered freedom, a trait that was slowly gaining popularity among the Bengali middle-class bhadralok society. The couple had four daughters.

Unfortunately, Rashmoni was widowed after the death of her husband in 1836. The untimely death of her husband and the muck of hetero-patriarchal casteism taught her all that she needed to know about the four-fold oppression (caste, creed, gender, and religion) of lower caste women in India. Despite severe resistance from other male members of the family, she assumed the responsibility of the businesses and finances of the Zamindari family, which was indeed rare for the times that she lived in. She wielded her power for the next 30 years, guided by her keen business acumen, solidarity with the underprivileged, a penchant for litigation, and a remarkable ability to take on patriarchy by its horns.

She had in-a-way defeated the dark undercurrents of deep-rooted patriarchy that existed in the 18th century, by standing up for what she firmly believed was rightfully hers. She went on to judiciously manage the finances and worked tirelessly throughout her life in the service of the underprivileged. The pious and humble homemaker had indeed transformed into a pragmatic and astute business woman. She had finally managed to defeat patriarchy in the Zamindari household.

In the 1840s, the fishing communities in the Bengal Presidency, which had flourished for several centuries, were facing a crisis for existence. Congnizant of the burgeoning business potential, the trading corporation of East India Company, turned its racketeering gaze towards the thriving fishing business in the placid waters of the Ganga. Through the months of February to October, small fishing boats would traverse through the waters of the Ganga, netting in bountiful harvests of the silvery hilsa, a supreme delicacy in Bengali cuisine. Under the pretext that the fishing expeditions impeded the free movement of ferries, the East India Company imposed a tax on fishing boats, a sinister move, that reduced river traffic while raking in extra revenue for the Company.

The anxious fisherfolk, mostly from the Jele Kaibaryta and Malo communities, whose livelihood was at stake, decided to travel to Calcutta and plead their case with the upper-caste Hindu landlords, hoping for their unflinching support for their cause. However, the wealthy landlords who were unwilling to risk souring of relationships with the British officers, turned their back towards the fishermen. Dismayed and demoralized, the fishermen, decided to approach Rashmoni Das, hoping that she would lend a supporting hand to their cause. Rashmoni wouldn’t disappoint and this would be her first battle against the cunning and shrewd ways of the British.

Using her business acumen and her litigation skills, Rashmoni, made the most incredible move which would checkmate the Britishers and be remembered in history books as one of the most remarkable events in the fight against the British’s imperial rule in India.

Rashmoni made an offer to the East India Company to lease out a 10-km-long stretch of the Hoogly river, a distributary of the Ganga. Unmindful of the consequences, the East India Company unwittingly agreed to lease out the 10-km-long stretch to Rashmoni. Rashmoni smarty procured the lease-holding documents and proceeded to place two massive iron chains across the Ganga – at Metiabruz and Ghusuri – where the river arched like a bow and she permitted the fisherman to cast their nets in this barricaded private zone. Once the dinghies flocked the catchment zone, all the large commercial and passenger traffic on the Hoogly river came to a grinding halt.

Flummoxed by the sudden turn of events, the officials of the East India Company, sent out notices seeking an explanation from Rashmoni. The sharp-witted Rashmoni, legally responded citing that as a leaseholder, she was entitled under the British Law, to protect the income generated from her property and that incessant riverine traffic made it extremely arduous for the fisherfolk to cast their nets inside the barricaded area, thus bringing down their profitability. She also subtly warned the British officials that she was more than willing to litigate on the matter and abide by the judicial verdict, if it came to that. With traffic coming to a grinding halt and boats queuing up along the riverfront, the officials realised that they had indeed been outsmarted by Rashmoni as they had very little or no legal recourse to confront her. Eventually, the East India Company gave in to their demands and were forced to withdraw the taxes imposed on the fisherfolk, giving them unfettered access to the entire stretch of the river Ganga. A Bengali shudra widow had outwitted the clueless Britishers using the Anglo-Saxon capitalism’s most potent weapon – “private property”. As if emboldened by this victory, Rashmoni defied the orders of the British when Puja processions were stopped on the pretext that they disturbed peace, which eventually forced the government to withdraw the orders. Thus she had managed to not only outwit the Britishers but had also defeated them and their sinister designs.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who was one of Raja Chandra Das’ close associates, on his very first interactions with Rashmoni, had witnessed a keen flame in her eyes. Thoroughly impressed by her compassionate disposition, Raja Ram Mohan Roy blessed her saying “May you dispel the darkness from the lives of hundreds of hapless women. May you live up to your name and become the queen of the masses.” Inspired by the lofty ideals of the Brahmo Samaj founded by the Roy, Rani Rashmoni played a pivotal role in voicing protests against polygamy, child marriage, and wife immolation – a diabolical practice also known as Sati. As a woman, she was instrumental in instigating the East India Company to abolish polygamy. She also tacitly supported Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar’s campaign for widow remarriage.

Throughout her life, Rashmoni was involved in innumerable charitable works and made significant contributions to society. She pioneered the construction of a road from Subarnarekha river to Puri in an attempt to make the journey less arduous for pilgrims visiting the holy shrine. She funded the construction of ghats such as Babughat (in memory of her husband), Ahiritola Ghat and Nimtala Ghat for the daily bathers in the Ganges. Rashmoni continued donating money for the construction of ghats on the Hooghly. Rashmoni constructed and renovated nine ghats after the passing of her husband, which added significantly to her popular appeal. To the then Imperial Library (now the National Library of India) and Hindu College (now Presidency University), Rashmoni donated large sums of money.

Rashmoni also helped transform the lives of misguided youth and gave them a fresh lease of life. Prince Dwarkanath Tagore had mortgaged a part of his Zamindari in now South 24 Parganas (part of present-day Santoshpur and adjoining areas) to Rashmoni for his passage to England. This part of land which was then a part of the Sunderbans was marshy and almost uninhabitable except for some families of thugs who found the area convenient to stay and venture out for plunders in far away places mounted on stilts. Rashmoni persuaded these families and helped them to build up fisheries in the surrounding water bodies that later turned into large, rich bheris. They gradually gave up their ‘profession’ of plundering and transformed into a community of fishermen.

Rani Rashmoni’s greatest achievement was probably the construction and establishment of the famous Dakshineswar Kali Temple in Kolkata. The turning point in Rashmoni’s life came in 1847 when, guided by a vision of the goddess Kali, she started the construction of the temple at Dakshineshwar, four miles north of Kolkata.

In 1855 an auspicious day was fixed for the installation of the deity at the temple. Since she was a shudra, Rani Rashmoni could not prevail upon any orthodox Brahmin to officiate as the priest for the auspicious ceremony. She consulted many renowned scholars, and one of them, Ramkumar Chattopadhyay, guided her out of the dilemma. She made a gift of the temple to her guru, a Brahmin, and provided funds for its maintenance by purchasing a big estate in Dinapur and endowing the temple with its income. Ramkumar Chattopadhyaya was appointed the priest of the temple, and after him his brother Gadadhar took over. Gadadhar was so thoroughly immersed in the contemplation of Kali that many people thought him mentally deranged. Rani Rashmoni was advised not to appoint him, yet with her intuition and insight she was convinced that his strange ways only showed the intensity of his religious fervour.

Once during the time of worship, Sri Ramakrishna sensed that her mind was engrossed in commercial matters and slapped her on the back. Outraged, the astonished people demanded that she dismiss and punish him. She silenced them by saying that the Divine Mother had illumined her heart through Sri Ramakrishna. A memorial shrine dedicated to her stands in the precincts of the Dakshineshwar Temple to this day.

In fond rememberance of Rashmoni and her humongous contributions to society,

1. An avenue in Esplanade, Kolkata is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Avenue, where her statue is also located.

2. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road near her ancestral house at Janbazar, Kolkata.

3. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road at Dakshineshwar.

4. The Department of Post of Government of India issued a postage stamp to memorialize the bicentennial of Rani Rashmoni in 1993.

5. A Ferry Ghat known as Rani Rashmoni Ghat has been built for ferry services in Barrackpore, West Bengal and in Hooghly, West Bengal.

6. One of the 5 Fast Patrol Vessels of Indian Coast Guard has been named after Rani Rashmoni. It was commissioned in June 2018 and will be based in Visakhapatnam (indigenously built by Hindustan Shipyard).

Rani Rashmoni has also been subject of a biographical film in Bengali language, titled Rani Rasmani (film) (1955), directed by Kaliprasad Ghosh, and wherein lead played by famous theatre personality and actress Molina Devi. Zee Bangla features a daily soap depicting the life of the illustrious Rani, captioned Karunamoyee Rani Rashmoni which premiered on 24 July 2017 and is telecasted daily.

The undaunted flame of hope that Rani Rashmoni was, reached the abode of God on February 1862, aged 68. As a feminist, an activist, a philanthropist, Rashmoni continues to be a beacon of hope in a country where women still feel disadvantaged and have to face oppression in every phase of their lives.

08/12/2024 0 comments 33 views

A person of Pride- Joyita Mondal India’s first transgender Judge

by Guest Author 08/12/2024

written by Guest Author

By Muskan Rani

Achieving a position or being a first in any field would make anyone feel great, but no one sees the hardships faced to be the first.

Today we are talking about Joyita Mondal, a social changemaker, who broke all imposed norms of the society, by becoming India’s first transgender judge in India. Judge Mondal was born in a Hindu family in Kolkata,West Bengal.

She was biologically born with the body of a male, but growing up, she liked to dress like a girl. She had a hard time keeping this secret from everyone.

So she informed her parents that she has got a job in Dinajpur and left kolkata and moved to Siliguri in the year 2009.

In Dinajpur she started living her life the way she wanted to. She started wearing female clothes and started working as a hijra (eunuch) singing, dancing and so on.

On the other side she also started doing social work for the upliftment of her community. In the year of 2010 the National Election Commission added the category of ‘other’ in addition to male and female as gender identification to encourage transgender to register for voter cards.

Judge Mondal became first transgender to get voter card under category of “others” in Dinajpur. In the same year she started studying law.

She helped everyone who faced racial discrimination. Later she became founder of a NGO named “Dinajpur Notun Alo Society ” to help transgender of the same as well as different religions. At present the NGO is serving transgender community with more than 2000 transgender.

In the year of 2012, her NGO got a foreign project to provide legal aid to transgender community. Judge Mondal succeeded in giving legal aid to about 200 transgender. The work of her NGO and Judge Mondal was appreciated by the government. Later in 2015, Dinajpur Notun Alo Society built an old-age shelter house and helped many transgenders to make their Voter IDs.

In the year of 2017 the sub-divisional legal services committee of Islampur, Uttar Dinajpur district in West Bengal appointed her as a Judge.

Now she is serving as a judge but she never left her fight for Transgender community. She says “A handful of us becoming judges, principals won’t bring a change as long as transgenders are working as sex-workers and begging in trains. Individual successes mean nothing. Even if they don’t have much qualification, they can at least be appointed as Group D staff where physical labour is involved. I have not come from Kolkata to Uttar Dinajpur just for my fight. I cannot ignore my community because of whom I have reached this position. I would request the government to first start government jobs for transgenders so that our community gets dignified work. I consider work of coolies, peons or other Group D work as dignified”

Her journey of becoming India’s first transgender judge was not easy but she never gave up. She kept on working for her rights and also for her community. She is a person, we should all br so proud of.

08/12/2024 0 comments 34 views

ममता की हैट्रिक

by Rajesh Singh 08/12/2024

written by Rajesh Singh

राजेश ओ. पी. सिंह

कोरोना की दूसरी खतरनाक लहर में संपन्न हुए पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता बनर्जी की तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने बाजी मार ली है और 2011 के बाद से लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सत्ता पर काबिज होने में सफल हुई है। हालांकि तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 2019 लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी हार का सामना किया था , तब से ( मई,2019) लेकर मई,2021 तक ममता बनर्जी और उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर ने जबरदस्त और कुशल मेहनत करते हुए मतदाता को भरोसा दिलाया कि ममता ही बंगाल के मुख्यमंत्री पद के लिए सर्वश्रेष्ठ विकल्प है और इसी भरोसे के सहारे वो इस चुनाव में जबरदस्त वापसी करने में सफल हुए ।
पश्चिम बंगाल में 1977 से 2011 तक लगातार 34 वर्षो तक लेफ्ट ने शासन किया, 2011 में जब तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने पहली बार विधानसभा चुनाव जीता और सत्ता पर काबिज हुई तो इस जीत की भूमिका कई वर्षों पूर्व में बनना शुरू हुई थी, सर्वप्रथम वर्ष 2008 में पश्चिम बंगाल में संपन्न हुए पंचायत चुनावों में तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने जीत दर्ज की, उसके बाद 2009 में हुए लोकसभा चुनावों में भी तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने लेफ्ट को भारी पराजय का सामना करवाया और अंततः 2011 विधानसभा चुनावों में लेफ्ट को सत्ता से बाहर कर दिया, और बिल्कुल इसी पैटर्न पर भाजपा चल रही थी 2008 व 2009 की तरह 2018 के पंचायत व 2019 के लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी जीत हासिल करने में कामयाब रही थी और इसी आधार पर कुछ राजनीतिक व चुनावी विश्लेषकों का मानना था कि बंगाल 2011 के इतिहास को दोहराएगा और भाजपा तृणमूल कांग्रेस को सत्ता से बाहर कर पाने में सफल हो पाएगी, परन्तु ममता की कड़ी मेहनत ने इसे होने नहीं दिया, भाजपा व अन्य चुनावी राजनीतिक विश्लेषकों को जिन्हें लगता था कि पंचायत और लोकसभा चुनाव जीतने के बाद भाजपा विधानसभा चुनाव भी जीतने में सफल हो पाएगी, वो सब ग़लत साबित हुए हैं।
ममता बनर्जी की जीत में उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर की सबसे अहम भूमिका रही है, उन्होंने न केवल ममता को चुनाव जीतने में सहयोग किया है बल्कि चुनाव से पांच महीने पहले कही बात कि भाजपा दो डिजिट पार नहीं करेगी , को भी सच साबित किया है, यहां प्रशांत के लिए दोहरी चुनौती थी, परन्तु वो इस चुनौती को भेद पाने में कामयाब रहे है। प्रशांत किशोर के अलावा भी कुछ महत्वपूर्ण बिंदु ऐसे है जिन्होंने ममता के चुनाव जीतने में अहम भूमिका निभाई है , उनका जिक्र इस प्रकार है –
मजबूत नेतृत्व और साफ छवि – ममता हमेशा से जुझारू व मजबूत नेता रही है, इस चुनाव में भी उन्होंने व्हील चेयर पर होने के बावजूद सक्रिय भूमिका निभाई और हर जगह संघर्ष करते हुए नजर आई। इसके आलावा उनकी साफ छवि ने भी मतदाताओं को उनकी तरफ आकर्षित किया है, क्योंकि ममता सरकार में भ्रष्टाचार के सारे आरोप उनके मंत्रियों या विधायको के सिर पर रहें है और ऐसे लगभग सभी खराब और नकारत्मक छवि वाले लोगों को या तो पार्टी से बाहर का रास्ता दिखा दिया या फिर वो खुद पार्टी छोड़ कर चले गए । उनके जाने के बाद तृणमूल कांग्रेस एक बार फिर साफ सुथरी हो गई और ममता की साफ छवि का आकर्षण मतदाताओं को अपनी तरफ खींच पाने में सफल हुआ।
महिला नेतृत्व होने की वजह से महिलाओं के वोट को तृणमूल कांग्रेस अपनी तरफ कर पाने में सफल रही है, क्यूंकि दूसरी विरोधी पार्टी के पास महिला नेतृत्व का अभाव था ।
सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच – लोकसभा चुनावों के तुरंत बाद से लेकर पिछले दो वर्षो में ममता सरकार ने लगातार अनेक कार्यक्रम चलाए जिनसे सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच को सुनिश्चित किया जा सका, इनमें सबसे प्रमुख था ” ममता के बोलो ” इसमें एक फोन नंबर दिया गया और कोई भी व्यक्ति अपनी बात सीधा ममता को बता सकता था और हर व्यक्ति की बात को ममता की टीम द्वारा सुना गया और आम जन की हर समस्या को दूर करने का पूर्ण प्रयास किया, इसका मतदाताओं पर बहुत साकारात्मक प्रभाव पड़ा ।
बाहरी व अंदरूनी का प्रभाव – ममता ने इसको मुद्दा बनाया और बंगाली लोगों को ये समझा पाने में कामयाब रही कि मैं आपकी आपनी हूं और भाजपा वाले बाहरी है, इसलिए आप अपनों के लिए मतदान करें ना की बाहरी के लिए। इस सिलसिले में ममता की पार्टी ने कई नारे जैसे बंगाल की बेटी, बंगाल का सम्मान , बंगाली बनाम गैर बंगाली आदि, जिनका ममता बनर्जी को पूरा फायदा मिला है।
सोशल इंजीनियरिंग – तृणमूल कांग्रेस लोकसभा चुनावों में जिन क्षेत्रों में हारी थी, बात चाहे जंगल महल क्षेत्र की करें या कूचबिहार की, वहां पर अनुसूचित जाति और अनुसूचित जनजाति के मतदाता ज्यादा संख्या में हैं । इसलिए विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता ने इन जातियों का खास ख्याल रखा, इसका अंदाजा इस बात से लगाया जा सकता है कि बंगाल में 68 सीटें अनुसूचित जाति के लिए आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 79 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जाति के लोगों को चुनाव लड़वाया ,वहीं अनुसूचित जनजाति की 16 सीटें आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ से 17 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जनजाति के लोग चुनाव लड़ रहे हैं।दूसरा उत्तरी बंगाल में ( कूचबिहार, दार्जलिंग आदि क्षेत्र) एक महत्वपूर्ण अनुसूचित जाति है ‘ राजवंशी ‘ उन्हें ये आश्वाशन दिया गया कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस की सरकार बनने पर उनके मुख्य देवता के जन्मदिन पर प्रदेश में सरकारी अवकाश घोषित किया जाएगा,उनकी भाषा को सरकारी स्कूलों में पढ़ाया जाएगा, उनकी जाति के नाम से एक नई पुलिस फोर्स बनाई जाएगी ,आदि आश्वासनों ने भी इस समुदाय जो की लोकसभा चुनावों में भाजपा के पक्ष में गया था को वापिस तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ लाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है। ममता ने अनुसूचित जातियों को फिर से विश्वास दिलवाया की वो ही उनकी सच्ची हितेषी है और अपने पक्ष में मतदान करवाने में सफल हो पाई।
तृणमूल कांग्रेस ध्रुवीकरण की राजनीति से दूर रही और पूरे चुनावों के दौरान उसने समग्र मतदाताओं पर ध्यान दिया, ममता ने हिन्दू – मुस्लिम, छोटे लोग – भद्र लोग , शहरी – ग्रामीण आदि कोई अंतर नहीं किया और सभी वर्गों पर पूरा ध्यान दिया जिसका फायदा ममता की पार्टी को मिला, क्यूंकि इस से हर समुदाय का कुछ ना कुछ वोट ममता के पक्ष में आया, वहीं दूसरी तरफ भाजपा मुस्लिम जो कि प्रदेश में 30 प्रतिशत के आसपास है को पार्टी से अलग थलग रखा, और केवल 70 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं के सहारे चुनाव लड़ रही थी वहीं दूसरी तरफ तृणमूल कांग्रेस का ध्यान पूरे 100 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं पर था, और इसी का नतीजा है कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सरकार बनाने में सफल हो पाई है।
भाजपा बनाम भाजपा का फायदा भी ममता को मिला है, क्यूंकि भाजपा ने तृणमूल कांग्रेस छोड़ कर गए लोगों को पार्टी में अहम स्थान दिए और उन्हे चुनाव भी लड़वाए, इस से भाजपा का पुराना मतदाता नाराज़ हुआ क्यूंकि उस क्षेत्र में उनकी लड़ाई उसी व्यक्ति से थी परन्तु अब वो व्यक्ति भाजपा का उम्मीदवार हो गया था , जैसे बहुत से स्थानों पर मतदाताओं ने साफ साफ बोला कि वो तृणमूल कांग्रेस के इसी नेता के खिलाफ थे उनकी लड़ाई इसी के खिलाफ थी परन्तु अब वो भाजपा में आ गया है तो हम कैसे उसे वोट दे, हमारी लड़ाई आज भी उसी के खिलाफ है, इस प्रकार ऐसे लोगों ने भाजपा से नाराज होकर ममता के पक्ष में मतदान किया है।
और भी अन्य कई कारण है जिनकी सहायता से ममता चुनाव जीतने में सफल हो पाईं है इनमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है उनका साधारण व्यक्तित्व, उनकी कड़ी मेहनत करने की लालसा आदि।

08/12/2024 0 comments 26 views

Didi – A Lens To See Women In Indian Politics

by Guest Author 08/12/2024

written by Guest Author

By Rohini Sen

The second phase of the West Bengal Assembly elections concluded amidst BJP’s raging (and tone deaf) rhetoric of Hindutva and development. And in the middle of all this, stands the brutally caricatured figure of Mamata Banerjee, the CM. In popular imagination she is either “didi”, the omnipotent, loud mouth leader of TMC or, she is emblematic of all that is wrong with contemporary political vision in a state that just does not seem to fit anywhere with its peculiar nostalgic, baggage.

What is common to both is the complete flattening of the image of a woman who is desperately trying to hold on to her power in the overarching male political idiom of a country. This is not a vindication of her actions, the massive failures and deep dysfunctions of the party. But in portraying her as one or the other, there is a constant tendency to invisibilise what she is really up against.

How bhawdro (decent) or obhawdro (indecent) she is seems to far outweigh the rank communalism of BJP, the horrible psychic contortion that every female politician has to undergo to simply hold ground and, how all vulgar political pronouncements by literally any man is simply “a part of the system.”

Not hers though. Her scattered English and public stunts at visibility are mostly hashir khorak (object of ridicule). Again, this is not a vindication of violence or misbehaviour. But reducing her to hysterics, parody and caricature takes away attention from significant things.

The fact that the Prime Minister and Home Minister of the ruling central party are using all their might in a desperate effort to win one single state. That not once has the conversation been on issues, even the low hanging fruits, that ail Bengal.

But most importantly, that we always see female politicians with the standards given to us by our grandfathers, uncles and other male figure who decide the limits of public spaces.

The collective will of BJP has condensed on decimating its opponents through a rhetoric of ridicule. And there are innumerable bad things happening in this election. But, a harangued woman desperately trying to save her political capital is not the worst of them.

08/12/2024 0 comments 25 views

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