Tag:

patriarchy

By Ashi Gupta (Guest Author)

A few years ago, at a family gathering my aunt casually dropped a comment that left everyone momentarily stunned. She proclaimed, “I’ll ask my daughter to live with the guy she wants to marry before they tie the knot. Just to be sure.” It was a bold statement, especially in a family where traditions have often guided major life choices, even though daily life is governed by a fairly progressive mindset. To my shock, my grandmother nodded in agreement and said, “Yes, that makes sense. Times are different now.”

While the conversation was a pleasant surprise, I knew better than to assume that such theoretical approvals would necessarily translate into full-fledged support if the situation actually arose. Still, that moment stuck with me.

Years later, when I decided to live with my partner, reality unfolded much as I had anticipated. My family’s reaction was a mix of acceptance and hesitation. It wasn’t the outright disapproval that most couples face, but it wasn’t as smooth as that earlier conversation.

Unlike couples in bigger cities or abroad, who live together quietly without their families’ knowledge or in ignorance of their disapproval, I didn’t have that option. My partner and I chose to live on my farm, just 30 minutes outside our hometown where both our families resided. It wasn’t just the proximity that made discretion impossible—it was also my upbringing. I grew up in a family that valued openness, honesty, and the freedom to make one’s own choices, so I couldn’t imagine keeping such a significant decision a secret.

The decision to live together stemmed as much from uncertainty about marriage as it did from questioning the institution itself. I was ready for the commitment of starting a life together, but not for the expectations and obligations, particularly for women, that come with marriage. This deeply personal choice unintentionally became a social experiment, testing how my family and the society around us would react to the open, defiant reality of my live-in relationship.

I had always been vocal about my skepticism of marriage as an institution, and my family knew I tried to live by the values and principles I believed in. However, they had been quietly hoping I’d eventually “grow out” of what they saw as a rebellious phase. When I told my parents about my decision, they were surprised but not really shocked. After many deep conversations, they entered what I like to call the “confused-but-trying” zone.

My mom’s primary concern was, “What will people think?” This honestly surprised me because she had always lived her own life by her beliefs, often ignoring societal judgment within certain boundaries. My dad, on the other hand, didn’t care about others’ opinions. His disagreement with my choice stemmed from the lack of legal protection and rights that a live-in couple has compared to a married one. They also worried that my younger siblings might follow my example—perhaps they felt one unconventional child was already enough.

In the village, things were different. People were curious, both about our marital status and why an educated couple had chosen to shift to a farm. “When did you get married? Wedding must have been in the city no” they’d ask cautiously, after some polite warming up—because they had not heard of any function taking place. I would simply smile and let them draw their conclusions. Most decided we must’ve had a secret COVID wedding, which worked out fine for me. Why correct them? It wasn’t as though I could hang the Supreme Court judgment on live-in relationships on my front door, though I was tempted to on several occasions.

The ambiguity worked in our favor. Living on a farm, away from the prying eyes of an apartment complex or colony, limited the gossip. Over time, we became known as “the couple who lives here,” with marriage assumed as a prerequisite. I recognized the importance of safety and discretion, especially in a village where societal judgment could quickly escalate. Thankfully, khap panchayats don’t operate in our region, but given the political climate, I wasn’t about to test the boundaries of tolerance.

In urban settings, however, the ambiguity created confusion. When I introduced my partner as “my partner,” most people thought I was referring to a business arrangement. “Boyfriend” felt juvenile, while “husband” was a term I wasn’t ready to use. My family, on the other hand, stuck to calling him my “friend,” a euphemism that reflected their discomfort with the situation.

In one of our many conversations on the topic, my mother asked, “Why do your LGBTQ friends fight so hard for the right to marry, while you’re choosing to live in and legitimize it instead?” It was an interesting question that forced me to reflect. It also demonstrated my mother’s willingness to discard her discomforts about homosexuality if it would help to change my mind about marriage. For me, living together was about exercising agency and freedom to live a life true to my belief system and having the freedom to test compatibility without the societal and legal bindings of marriage. For my LGBTQ friends, the fight for marriage was about equality and the basic right to love openly.

Live-in relationships are increasingly common in India now. They have been given legal recognition and some rights as well, despite the misconceptions. However, they still exist in a gray area of societal acceptance. Recent cases, like that of Shraddha Walker, where violence in live-in relationships was sensationalized as being caused by the arrangement itself, have only added fuel to the fire. My mother tried to use such cases to argue against my decision until I sent her statistics on domestic violence within marriages.

With time, my family’s discomfort has reduced. Acceptance has also come with the discovery of many of my cousins living with their partners in various cities. My parents still introduced my partner as a “friend,” but now because they think ‘partner’ does not do justice to the relationship. They would like me to choose a better term.

Choosing to live together before marriage in small-town India has been more than just a personal choice; it has been a quiet rebellion against societal expectations. It has been an attempt at carving out a space, albeit a messy one, where love and companionship can thrive on their own terms, even if those terms unsettled others.

My grandmother, the woman who once said, “Times are different now,” hasn’t said a word directly to me about this. I suspect she’s playing the long game, waiting for me to “come to my senses” soon. I have not reminded her about her words either.

But the times are indeed different now, even if the transition has been difficult. Sometimes, progress looks like a passive acceptance of new norms simply because more people are participating in it. Other times, it can look like quietly living one’s truth, trusting that the small-town society will eventually catch up. As for me, I’m just trying to figure out how to balance authenticity with social survival. Maybe one day, I’ll frame that Supreme Court judgment and hang it on a wall. Maybe one day it won’t be needed at all. Until then, I’ll keep smiling and letting everyone fill in the blanks about the status of my relationship on their own.

0 comments 254 views
1 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By परेश नागर

My country – I will build you again, if need be, with bricks made from my life.
I will built columns to support your roof.

यह कुछ लाइन है ईरान की मशहूर लेखिका सिमिन
बेहबहानी की, जो अपने देश को फिर से बनाने की बात करती है।

पर क्या देश बन रहा है?
1979 से पहले ईरान की स्थिति आज के ईरान जैसी नही थी I महिलाओं की अभिव्यक्ति एवं उनके पहनावें की आज़ादी महिलाओं के हाथ में थी I
लेकिन धीरे धीरे यह आज़ादी कैद में तब्दील होती गई,
और एक तानाशाही सरकार ने महिलाओं को पिंजरे में कैद करने जैसे शरिया कानून ईरान में लागू किए I इसलिए 1979 के बाद ईरान में महिलाओं को लेकर काफी सख़्त कानून बनाएं गए, जिसमें हिजाब को लेकर काफी सख़्ती अपनाई गई।

सख़्ती इतनी की हिजाब से माथे के बाल भी नज़र आ जाएं तो कोड़े मारने की सज़ा मिल जाती है।

इस तरह के सख़्त कानून के ख़िलाफ़ महिलाओं ने सड़को से लेकर सोशल मीडिया तक प्रदर्शन किए।

2014 में हिजाब के खिलाफ विरोध के लिए माय स्टील्थी फ्रीडम नाम का एक फेसबुक पेज बनाया गया I

इस पेज के जरिये महिलाएं एकत्रित हुए और उन्होंने अपनी आवाज़ को “मेरी गुम आवाज़ नाम दिया” “हिजाब में पुरुष” “कैमरा मेरा हथियार” जैसी पहल का आगाज़ हुआ।

फिर 2017 में सफ़ेद ‘बुधवार अभियान’ चलाया गया जिसमें महिलाएं सफेद कपड़े पहनकर हिजाब के खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन करती है।

वही विरोध का रास्ता ईरान की आज़ाद यूनिवर्सिटी में बनी, एक लड़की ने इनरवियर में हिजाब के खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन किया। वहाँ की पुलिस ने लड़की की मानसिक स्तिथि ठीक नही है का हवाला देकर हिरासत में ले लिया।

किसी भी मुल्क की आज़ादी इस बात पर निर्भर करती है कि वहाँ की महिलाओं की स्थिति क्या है।

आज़ाद विचारों के साथ महिलाओं के हितों के लिए लड़ना आज के दौर में भी आसान नही है।

हर एक वो मुल्क जहाँ सत्ता खुद को जनता से ऊपर समझने लगती हैं तब उस मुल्क में तानाशाही पनपने लगती है।
एक लड़की अपने जीने की परवाह किये बगैरह एक तानाशाही सरकार से लड़ने के लिए तैयार हो जाती हैं,
और यह लड़ाई उसकी आज़ादी की बस नही है यह लड़ाई ईरान की उन समस्त महिलाओं की है जो चुप है बोल नही पा रही है I

उनकी चुप्पी को ललकार बनाने का काम इस अकेली लड़की ने किया है I

उसको नही है डर की क्या होगा, क्योंकि उसको यह मालूम है की मेरा आज का यह विरोध ईरान की समस्त महिलाओं की जिंदगी में आज़ादी की रोशनी का पैगाम लेकर आएगा।

बस ईरान नही किसी भी मुल्क में जहाँ एक ऐसा समाज निर्मित है जिसके चलते महिलाएं आज भी खुद से यदि यह तय नही कर पा रही है कि क्या पहनना है तो यह सम्पूर्ण समाज पर लानत हैं।

जब अंतिम लौ भी आसमान की
बुझने को हो जायेगी
जब तिमिर करेगा अट्टहास,
और आशाएं मर जायेंगी

जब हृदय नाद में डर होगा
रूंधा, कांपता स्वर होगा
उस समय उजाला करने को वो अपना बदन जलाएगी
एक स्त्री ही राह दिखाएगी
एक स्त्री राह दिखाएगी I

0 comments 136 views
1 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Ishani Dash

I was around five or six when my paternal uncle married my paternal aunt, prompting a huge celebration in the family that people from all parts of the state of Odisha came to attend. I do not remember the size of the wedding; only the joy of meeting a new family member who I felt was sure to love and care for me. It was years later I learned that my grandparents had one strict rule for both their sons’ weddings that they printed on all wedding cards: “Please bring only blessings, no gifts”.

It took me several more years to understand the significance of this statement. In the meantime, I attended many Indian weddings, big and small, enjoying their extravagant displays and/or beautiful simplicity. Over time, I noticed things I had never bothered to see: the system of give-and-take that accompanies many of our great Indian weddings. A large majority seemed to really care what gifts they received and placed those gifts as the defining factor in understanding the strength of their relationships.

In the years since, I have asked deeper questions to the people who have gotten or are about to get married: what importance does a wedding gift hold in your life? Have familial relationships been made or broken due to the type and size of gifts exchanged? How do you resolve conflicts that arise from holding values or ideas that do not subscribe to marital inequity?

Don’t get me wrong – I love wedding gifts, or rather, I love gifts; carefully selected tokens of affection are my love language. I understand that gifts are part and parcel of weddings. My problem is not with gifts; it’s with obligations. Specifically, the obligations for gifting that arise from a groom’s side of the family. These ‘expectations’ (spoken or unspoken) become a euphemism for a darker reality in many traditional weddings, particularly in arranged marriages: a misnomer for the word-we-dare-not-say-out-loud. But here we are, calling it what it is: dowry demand.

The origins of dowry in India are heavily debated. While it is possible that women were provided dowries to secure their comfort with their in-laws, this practice was more or less distorted when British laws prohibited women from owning property. Now a crime under the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961, dowry has largely become a ‘socially acceptable’ crime as long as it does not involve dowry beatings or deaths: verbal comments about how a bride’s family could have afforded to buy more gold jewelry or household items are well tolerated, even encouraged. A few years ago, researchers Jeffrey Weaver and Gaurav Chiplunkar noticed an alarming trend in their study: dowry payments in India made in the last fifty years amounted to nearly a quarter of a trillion dollars! Accordingly, the amount of dowry expected is now linked to the quality of grooms, driven by education and job opportunities. In other words, if you want to pay off your son’s student loans, get him married off and casually put ‘expectations’ on the table. If the expectations do not match, let your daughter-in-law know that you are very disappointed with the lack of ‘respect’ that a groom’s family surely deserves – after all, they happened to give birth to a boy! And raised him to be a high-quality one too.

In a country where gender reveal is banned across all medical institutions, the relentless pursuit of male offspring continues, fueled by the insidious practice of dowry. ‘Marital rape’ has a separate definition from ‘rape’ because it is not considered a crime just because it happens to take place within the confines of a marriage. We hear about the Taliban’s extreme laws prohibiting women from even hearing other women’s voices and call it gender apartheid, but we refuse to acknowledge the subtle ways we still stereotype genders in archaic norms. In our infinite wisdom, we have calmly accepted actions that keep a married woman’s positioning in society as subjugated to her husband’s as normal or acceptable.

Today, let us call out all those practices. Do you critically examine a bride’s wedding jewelry at weddings? If the bride does not wear enough jewelry, do you view it as some form of disrespect or shame? Do you ask for gifts under some pretext or expect them from your daughter-in-law’s parents? It’s important we reflect on these questions. Our laws may have criminalized dowry, but the sense of entitlement continues, partly because we accept emotional abuse as the status quo in our marriages. A friend once told me her husband commented on their wedding night that a birthday party in their family was held more lavishly than the wedding her parents threw for him! It made me wonder who decided the measure of one’s love or respect was the grandness of one’s celebratory affairs. After all, isn’t one’s wedding day the least important day of their married life? It’s everything that comes after the excitement and nerves of a wedding saga that truly sets the foundation for the rest of a couple’s life.

In a world where all genders are finally being recognized and heteronormative weddings are no longer unthinkable, why have we not moved away from the practice of spending indulgently on a groom and his family for being kind enough to marry a woman? A custom that begins a marriage on uneven grounds, despite both parties entering the marriage equally in every aspect, is nothing but a relic of a bygone era that exploited women and took pride in the fact that less than 1% of Indian women could choose to leave an unhappy home.

Do straight Indian men truly believe they need to be paid, in gifts, cash, clothes, or otherwise, to marry somebody? Unsurprisingly, many do not treat their wives as partners but continue to dismiss her wishes, feelings, and needs – seeing them as trivial or mere ‘wants’. After all, where the foundation of a marriage is not mutual respect, why on earth would a husband suddenly treat his wife any differently after a wedding thrown in his honor?

The sorry state of affairs often continues, unfortunately, well into a marriage, where many women are slowly stripped of their independence until they have nowhere to go and nobody to lean on. Just search the number of disturbed people asking on Quora or Reddit about their in-laws gatekeeping wedding gifts or demanding to keep their bridal jewelry in their lockers for ‘safety reasons’. A woman who tries to leave such a household is met with uncooperative police, unsupportive family members, and a laidback justice system that does little to alleviate her torment. This is not just limited to joint family households in India but is very much a part and parcel of the lives of several non-resident Indians (NRIs) living away from home. It is possible that NRIs are easier to manipulate as they are unaware of the societal progress among their peers and consider ‘Indian customs’ to be their ties to a home they chose to leave. We don’t say the word ‘dowry’ in India, but we sure have learned to hide it in the form of ‘gifts’, ‘expectations’, and ‘respect’. If women refuse to comply, then it is ‘disrespect’. If they agree, it is ‘tradition’.

The feminist in me would break apart if I didn’t hear about people who no longer spend their parents’ lifelong savings on weddings, but plan and fund it themselves; people who celebrate their wedding at a senior citizens’ home; and people who marry the people they love, regardless of their gender. I see a change that I hope will permeate every corner of society, cutting across our man-made definitions of religion, caste, class, gender, skin tone, educational qualifications, and everything else that divides and rules our minds and hearts. But with each heart-melting story of progress, there are countless others resigned to their societal fates.

My only question to all those who continue to threaten, or what they would call strongly request, a woman to show off her parents’ hard-earned money in the form of expensive jewelry and other gifts is: Do you truly believe a marriage built on a foundation of coercion is a marriage at all?

To everyone else entering a marriage this season, please do not let patriarchy win. Please teach your children that self-respect and dignity are non-negotiable. If you like flaunting your jewelry, by all means, do so. But don’t do it out of any sense of obligation, believing this ‘small ask’ will be followed by a marriage based on equality, mutual respect, and trust. It will not happen. A person who loves you will not make you live your life for society unless they are gaining something out of it. And nobody who truly respects you will choose to make you uncomfortable and unheard, least of all your spouse.

My grandparents, I believe, were ahead of their times when they refused to receive wedding gifts for their sons’ weddings. Their ideologies, principles, and values run deep in the family tree. One day, if I have a child who decides to get married, I will do my part to help ensure that their wedding, and hopefully their married life, is nothing but truly and completely, a union of equals.

0 comments 136 views
3 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Kokila Bhattacharya

I started writing this is in disbelief, and exhausting rage, which quickly extinguished into helplessness, and permeated as grief and eventually settled down as our default state of being — despair. But despair doesn’t warrant change, so I’m writing to you, in hope. Hope that doesn’t exist in this burning world, but is created, over and over again. And even though I am yet to witness this personally — I want to believe that you, our integrity to change and respond with accountability and our blueprint for the future can sit here together.

If you’re a cis het man and feeling a bit helpless, anguished, angry and even defensive — you’re at the right place.

(TW: persistent mention of sexual violence) (scroll to the end for “the point”)

On Anger and selective rage

Thomas Merton

OURS :

This is not about you. Inside our anger lies a deep sense of betrayal of our boundaries and autonomy from the moment of our birth. It often turns into grief because, despite the continuous injustices we face, no one truly listens. You may trigger or provoke this anger, but it’s not about you personally — it’s about what you have come to represent. Our anger is sacred and generational, growing with each episode of injustice, rooted in our collective experiences and solidarity. We are accustomed to our experiences being invalidated and our anger dismissed as an overreaction. Let my anger, our collective rage, be about that.

YOURS :

If you feel discomfort or defensiveness, it’s an invitation to begin understanding the intensity of what many experience on a daily basis. There is a larger systemic problem that hurts you as well. This write up is obviously propelled by the (outrage at) heinous violence at RG Kar. However, at the risk of meddling in whataboutery, I’d like to examine our collective reactionary bouts. After all, its 22 years since Gujarat, 12 since December 16, 4 since Hathras and not even a second since the last act of violence by a man.

  • When you feel anger about the violence at RG Kar, what exactly are you reacting to? Besides death, what parts of this kind of violence makes it ‘heinous’ ?
  • Are you outraged because the victim shares certain identities with you? How might that shape your response?
  • Would your empathy and sense of justice be the same if the survivor were male, a trans person, or a sex worker? A bahujan homemaker, a muslim farmer; would your anger be just as intense?
  • How did you respond to the news of the dalit minor whose life was taken by sexual violence in the same week? Did it evoke the same level of outrage?
  • Are there any underlying biases or societal influences shaping the strength or direction of your anger?

On the nature of Rape

Rape is a tool — a political one. By defining politics as the exercise of power, rape becomes an instrument of power. It’s rarely driven by sexual desire but often by hatred, which can be cultivated and manipulated. This makes rape a political tool, used in warfare and to settle scores. Like any violent act, understanding the politics of rape requires understanding the politics of violence across caste, communal, economic, and gendered contexts. It is to dehumanize— a blazing statement to anyone taking space, “How dare you?”

It is not merely the lack of consent. If sex is about pleasure, rape is designed to inflict pain.

In a country where nothing and nobody moves until the politician does, why only have this exception about not politicising rape? Asks Rama Lakshmi

I find it pertinent to note that unlike above, the “politicization” of rape is, different, the latter being the conniving exploitation of an issue for political gains, (like we witnessed post Kathua) and choosing some over others as electoral agendas. As stories from Dalitbahujan women, muslim women and wmen from Manipur will tell you, the system has not just failed us but enabled perpetrators over and over. And women’s lives and their bodies have been the unacknowledged casualties of war for too long.

A few examples:

Rape is political | Ashfika Rahman

Patriarchy x Caste

Both are rooted in a shared desire to assert dominance and control, with sexual violence often being used as a deliberate tool to reinforce caste-based oppression. Just as caste determines social status and access to resources, it also dictates who holds power over others, perpetuating a system where violence, including rape, is wielded to maintain and enforce these hierarchical boundaries. Savarna men, at the top of this hierarchy, benefit the most and often operate with impunity.

It’s illuminating that NCRB’s data reveals there was a 45% increase in reported rapes of Dalit women between 2015 and 2020. The increasing incidences of gender-based violence (GBV) against lowered-caste women prove that we fundamentally undermine their social, economic, political, and cultural rights.

Patriarchy x Nationalism ( ≠ patriotism)

When a hyper-masculine country believes it is greater than anything else, nationalism becomes a force that valorizes strength, creates enemies, and shields perpetrators of violence. This belief system, intertwined with the invocation of religion and cultural purity, turns rape into a tool for silencing dissent and asserting control. Much like caste and gender, which are rigidly defined by birth and upheld as a form of superiority, nationalism is often treated as an inherited virtue rather than something earned or truly virtuous. This narrow, inherited blindfold of “nationhood” is celebrated as a mark of superiority, obscuring the humanity of those outside its definition and perpetuating an environment where degradation and misogyny are normalized. Just as ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ became a symbolic and pious deification, this narrative is also where Jyoti’s story was appropriated into “India’s daughter”, reinforcing nationalistic and patriarchal ideals rather than addressing the underlying issues of gender violence.

By Kokila B

Capitalism x Patriarchy

It is no surprise that gendered violence and ecological destruction go hand in hand. Capitalism prioritizes competition, dominance, and the commodification of resources, fosters a culture where power imbalances are normalized and exploitation is justified. This mindset reduces people and their bodies to commodities, fueling a sense of entitlement that contributes to rape culture, where women’s bodies are seen as objects to control rather than autonomous beings deserving of respect. By dehumanizing individuals and prioritizing profit over empathy, capitalism nurtures the conditions in which rape culture thrives, mirroring the exploitation of natural resources with the exploitation of vulnerable populations.

Examples like exploitation and bonded labour in Tamil Nadu’s textile mills and rampant harassment at companies like TCS are just a few byproducts of this production frenzied. Marginalized communities face the greatest risks.

What is Rape Culture?

It is the stinking environment we live and breathe — a culture where sexual violence is normalized and even glamorized. Misogyny isn’t just present but actively perpetuated, feeding into a system of rampant objectification and systemic degradation. This culture is both deliberate and structural.

The hyper-masculine nature of movements like Hindu supremacism mirrors global alt-right trends, where violence disproportionately targets women, especially those from marginalized communities. This toxic masculinity, often intertwined with nationalism, normalizes sexual violence as a tool of power and control. Rape culture thrives in environments where patriarchy and autocracy coexist, making it crucial to understand how these dynamics shape and perpetuate systemic violence against women.

While violence itself isn’t inherently gendered, the vast majority of it is committed by men, and patriarchy benefits from this reality. As a man, be cautious of right-wing narratives, particularly those with religious or mythological undertones. These narratives often confine women to roles where their honor or dignity is at stake, thus allowing men to assert their valor by “protecting” it. This dynamic only reinforces patriarchy and demonizes certain castes. We’re now at a point where a victim’s trauma is turned into a source of illicit pleasure for the public, an even distorted schadenfreude. This phenomenon is part of a troubling trend where violence is sensationalized and even eroticized, underscoring how deeply ingrained and exploitative these cultural dynamics can be. Ultimately, a ‘culture’ shapes behavior.

We don’t need your protection. We need you to be decent human beings.

Rape is Consensual: Inside Haryana’s Rape Culture | Documentary by The Quint | India’s rape culture: the survivors’ stories

On Masculinity

I’m nobody to define what it’s like to be a man. Even on days when I envy your perceived freedom, I wouldn’t trade my compassion for conflict. We’re all at odds with the patriarchy but men* embody it in ways I cannot entirely fathom. Often, it’s difficult to see when aggression has crossed into toxicity, because alpha male tropes are so normalized, especially in far-right narratives. As a country hinging towards the pious hyper-masculinism, we must question at what point religion became the creator of violence.

If gender is learned what can one ask oneself as a man to unlearn toxic masculinity

  • What does it mean to be a man for me?
  • What parts of this answer were actually perpetuated by the society growing up?
  • What parts do I want to inculcate, which parts do I wish to unlearn, for myself?
  • Post the #metoo movement — What has changed for me? Inside me?

Encouraging Healthy Expressions Of Masculinity To Prevent Rape Culture In India

On the idea of Justice

Judicially, there are four ‘theories of punishment’ ;
the deterrent theory which seeks to prevent future crimes by making severe examples of offenders and has had little impact on crime rates, the preventive theory which aims to stop reoffending by imprisoning criminals, but can lead to hardened behavior rather than rehabilitation, the retributive theory focusing on punishing offenders in proportion to their crime (like the death penalty in the Nirbhaya case). the theory of compensation which seeks to financially and morally compensate victims, but can oversimplify the complexities of crime and victim impact and the reformative theory rehabilitates offenders to reintegrate them into society, though it requires significant resources and may not work for all individuals.

Can the justice system, itself an extension of the patriarchal framework even offer solutions beyond this cycle of violence? In a country where rapists aren’t just let free but celebrated, garlanded in pomposity, survivors are dismissed, disbelieved, and left mentally undone, and legal processes remain inaccessible, what does justice truly mean? It is no wonder that 90% of rapes go unreported because the system is meant to re-traumatize. Here retributive justice feels like mere vengeance, running around in the perpetual cycle where violence begets violence.

Mob violence and lynchings mirror this issue under the garb of taking the law into their own hands. Often viewed as a democratic response, is frenzied, unconstitutional, and non-reparative. Its immediacy and spectacle offer a false sense of gratification, frequently reinforcing biases rather than addressing underlying systemic issues. Is this ‘poetic’ justice, or just another form of oppression?

Now, as these systems fail, for survivors of sexual violence, and anyone having witnessed violation of their bodily autonomy, what is justice?

Can justice be about healing, even from the confines of traditional expectations of what this crime is supposed to do to me? Can we decenter rape from its stigmatized and sensationalized position as the ultimate violation against women. To effectively respond, we have to re-imagine justice. It needs to transgress beyond the punitive into restorative. It needs to become survivor led and centered, incorporating lived experiences into the process. It needs to recognize that each survivor’s experience and needs are unique and solutions cannot be straitjacketed. A sense of justice that involves the perpetrator’s accountability and the survivor’s recovery; a justice that isalso embodied, possibly even somatic.

A friend reminded me as I was recovering from a trigger meltdown, “If trauma shames and isolates, then recovery must take place in community”.

One Future Collective has many fantastic resources exploring justice, especially for supporting GBV survivors.

The perfect victim

We’ve all experienced that even in the most supposedly progressive places, women are supposed to become worthy of justice. Solidarity becomes conditional, subject to various `facets of our identities, whereabouts, promiscuity, because ‘respectable’ Indian women do not get raped. So it is of no surprise that atleast 40,000 of us aren’t respectable.

میںسچکہوںگیمگرپھربھیہارجاؤںگی،وہجھوٹبولےگااورلاجوابکردےگا۔

(मैंसचकहूँगीमगरफिरभीहारजाऊँगी, वोझूटबोलेगाऔरलाजवाबकरदेगा)Parveen Shakir

Tropes like ‘Bharat Mata,’ ‘Nirbhaya,’ and ‘Abhaya’, calling us sisters and mothers only reinforce this narrative, catering to those who consume victimhood for sympathy. The ideal victim is portrayed as chaste (either a ‘virgin’ or married), attacked by a stranger, resisting her attacker, and suffering severe injury or death.

Moreover, rape laws are far from gender-neutral. They are not friendly but rather patriarchal, reflecting a system where men’s experiences of coercion are either minimized or dismissed even as pleasure, and where they face threats without adequate protection.

India’s New Criminal Law Offers Little Protection Against Sexual Assault To Men & Trans Men | Kartikeya Bahadur & Sumati Thusoo

To truly move forward and address injustice, acknowledge that rape victims/ survivors are imperfect. They’re human.

The Demonised Rapist

The perils of stereotype do not limit itself to our idea of a rapist just because these are brutal crimes. In fact, by avanlanching the distance between ‘society’ (achha aadmi) and sexual assaulters, we ignore that these perpetrators are not anomalies but products of systemic design. If an assaulter were truly an isolated anomaly, there wouldn’t be over 3,000 searches for the victim’s name on porn sites, like vultures picking at ruins.

Deterrence or reform is unlikely unless we understand where this violence takes root. Such binary views vilify perpetrators and undermine the possibility of achieving justice or taking responsibility.

These may help to understand : Muskan Garg | Rape MindsetPsychology Behind Sexual Violence // Kamala Thiagarajan | In Interviews With 122 Rapists, Student Pursues Not-So-Simple Question: Why?

(More on) Capital Punishment :

Knee jerk reactions like these do not offer solace to the survivor, but absolves us all of collective responsibility and accountability towards both cure and prevention. In its discomfort to face the perpetrator as the mere byproduct of a system, it wants to shove it away as garbage — loin des yeux, loin du cœur (out of sight, out of mind) — and pretend the underlying problem is solved. We will soon find out, as many feminists know, that the stench catches up sooner or later. If we are to really look at a person not devoid of his humanity, we must peer into the society that created him and acknowledge that a person is inseparable from his surroundings.

By Aindriya Barua

To point out the irony, 
if rape is about power & control,
and the death penalty (supposedly) punishes you for 
the ultimate heinous crime,
is it not a perverse reward to a rapist? 
If not, this perspective certainly reinforces the idea that a woman’s worth is tied to her victimization, defined by their suffering rather than their agency, contributions, or rights, which is a tall patriarchal assumption.

To well meaning men around me, including my father, who staunchly believe a rapist should be hanged, I want to ask if they would advocate equivocally given the perpetrator is their brother, cousin, best friend, OR is all our demonizing limited to other (/othering of) men? And are we all ready to receive the punitive damages for creating and nurturing this ever growing macho aggression? Instead of focusing on revenge, we could invest in prevention, support, and systemic change to truly confront the violence at its core.

Let patriarchy be the only casualty.

Sahana Manjesh rightly elucidates here, ‘Why The Death Penalty Is Not A Solution To India’s Rape Problem’

West Bengal’s new ‘Aparajita Woman and Child Bill 2024

A Checklist

In my early teens, a listicle on how not to get raped stayed pinned to my cupboard. It took years for me to see just how regressive it was, but by then the work was done. It drilled into me a relentless hyper-vigilance, a suffocating belief that my safety was solely my responsibility, that if I was attacked or raped, it would be my fault. As women, we carry this list in various forms, etched into our very bones — always on alert, never safe, never calm. Betrayed nevertheless.

Here’s a list for you, of questions you can ask yourself instead.

As a human being

Personally :

  • Have I fully owned and acknowledged my past actions or abusive behaviors, and am I committed to genuine repair?
  • In what ways can I address and repair the harm I’ve caused, both to myself and others?
  • How do I handle my own experiences of being abused, and am I actively working towards healing and not perpetuating the cycle?
  • Am I engaging in actions that contribute to a culture of silence or complicity, and how can I actively oppose these patterns?
  • How do substances like alcohol affect my behavior, and what steps am I taking to ensure I remain accountable?
  • When you witness harassment, do you take action to support the victim or confront the perpetrator, or do you remain passive?

It’s harrowing to reckon with having been abusive in the past, but the only thing worse is never acknowledging it. Even though a bit redundant, here is the Attitudes Towards Women Scale test.

If you are struggling with trauma, Mithra Trust has a freshly baked beautiful resource : A guide to Understanding Trauma

Interpersonally :

As a PartnerI want to unashamedly start by stating that around 30% of violence against women in India is perpetrated by intimate partners. I have personally witnessed it more than once. What does the deplorable legality of marital rape in India reveal how we view ‘partnerships’?

Relationships or kinships are often the first place where childhood wounds get excoriated, both triggered and caused. Pleasure, love, and affection are the body’s ways of understanding safety. By failing to provide our partners with a sense of safety, we are saying that to be violated is a norm rather than an aberration. Cascading betrayals. You and your partner could ask yourselves :

  • Do I understand non verbal cues of a no? Do I take no as a complete answer?
  • Do I understand boundaries and what they look like when drawn?
  • Do I understand the power dynamics in our relationship and how they might influence consent?
  • What steps am I taking to address and heal my own toxic behaviors and patterns?

Why we don’t get consent by Paromita Vohra

( More : How Men Can Help Women Recover from Sexual Violence )

As a Parent

If your child lashes out at you for not protecting them enough, please see it as a sign of possible past harm. They are not necessarily blaming you, they saw you as their protectors. I hope you can take this opportunity, even in retrospect, to let them know you believe them and stand up for them (especially if there’s an abuser in the family)

Most of us did not have that privilege.

Further, as a father, you may ask yourself

  • How am I teaching my children about consent, respect, and healthy boundaries to prevent sexual abuse?
  • How am I, as a model, actively challenging and changing any harmful attitudes or behaviors I might have inherited or witnessed?

Here are helpful resources from Protsahan India Foundation : How to talk to your kids about child sexual abuse and rape .

As Friends / Active listeners / First Personal Responders —

When I’ve shared my experiences of abuse with male friends, their responses — ranging from wanting to react violently, showing disgust, prying for more details, blaming me, or offering superficial apologies — have been unhelpful. I know this is just my experience, but I’ve regretted confiding in them.

  • How can I listen supportively without reacting with disgust or blame?
  • How can I create a safe and empathetic space for survivors to share their experiences?
  • How can I challenge and change harmful attitudes about sexual violence in my circles?
  • Have I already taken the step to unfriend or distance myself from those who are rapists or abusers, given that they have not changed?

If you are a feminist, you will be a perpetual killjoy.

Here are a few questions you can ask yourself if you belong in these spaces

Tech Sector

  • In what ways are you ensuring that your data collection and research practices are equitable and reflective of diverse experiences, especially those of marginalized women?
  • Is your intervention aka product focused on making women’s lives safer through gadgets, or is it addressing the root causes and holding perpetrators accountable by shifting the responsibility from women to those who commit violence?

When our bodies are war zones, pepper sprays aren’t designed to scare away the patriarchy and a safety ‘hack’ is the last thing we need.

The Arts

Art is political — stop pretending it’s not. Women are being molested at mosh pits, by classical gurus, and even by supposedly progressive writers, designers, comedians. Our beliefs must transcend the content we create and become the lives we lead.

Sameera Iyengar says, “It is the role of the arts to ask the hard questions, to understand the world through emotion and experience, to propose other ways of being”. She asks How do we collectively create a world of theatre where women feel safe and respected?

  • Does your work challenge harmful stereotypes and promote respect?
  • Are your actions and public stances aligned with the values you promote in your art?
  • What initiatives are you supporting or leading to create safer environments in Indian art spaces where women and marginalized artists can thrive without fear?

Films as maker and viewer

  • What steps are you taking to create a safe and respectful environment on your sets, and how do you ensure that your films do not glamorize or trivialize violence against women?
  • In what ways do you support and seek out films that offer respectful and nuanced representations of women’s experiences in India?
  • How do you respond to problematic content in popular films — do you challenge it, discuss it, or dismiss it as mere entertainment?

A movement is brewing within the Malayalam & Tamil film industry thanks to the courageous women rising against the rotten system of Kerala. I am looking forward to your amplification of it.

Health Sector

The body stores trauma at a primal level. Aruna Shanbaug, who was failed by the system time and again gave us the gift of escaping this body’s entrapment. Despite her vegetative state, it is documented that Aruna would react violently if she heard a strange male voice.

Gabor Maté, renowned physician, argues alongside Dr. Bessel van der Kolk, an expert on trauma, that “the body keeps the score,” and this storage can manifest as physical symptoms, chronic stress, and various health issues.

  • Are you advocating for trauma-informed care that acknowledges the long-term effects of abuse, or is your focus limited to immediate medical needs?
  • Do your practices and policies address the chronic pain and PTSD that many survivors endure?

Socio-Developmental Sector

  • Are you integrating gender equality into every aspect of your projects, or is feminism treated as a peripheral concern?
  • Are your initiatives designed to drive systemic change rather than offering token gestures?
  • How is your organization ensuring that its Internal Committee (IC) is compliant with the POSH Act, with a diverse and well-trained team capable of handling cases with sensitivity and urgency?
  • Additionally, what specific measures have you put in place following recent amendments to the POSH Act to make sure survivors feel safe and supported when coming forward, especially in cases involving senior or influential members?

Education

  • Are you teaching boys about consent and respect from an early age?
  • Are your educational programs comprehensive and inclusive, or do they fall short of addressing the complexities of gender dynamics?
  • Is your school curriculum periodically audited to ensure that they eliminate the scope of perpetuating prejudice, stereotyping and patriarchy?

Politics

  • What concrete steps are you taking to introduce or support legislation that provides comprehensive support for survivors of sexual violence, especially those from marginalized communities, while also ensuring that politicians accused of such crimes are held accountable?
  • How are you actively advocating for the reform of training and procedures within law enforcement and the judicial system to ensure that cases of sexual violence involving politicians are handled swiftly, impartially, and with a deep understanding of intersectional issues?
  • What initiatives are you leading to promote transparency, accountability, and survivor-centered approaches within the political sphere, particularly in collaboration with civil society organizations, to ensure that all survivors receive the support they need and that accused individuals are held responsible?

Avani Bansal and Kanksshi Agarwal urge us to introspect Charity Begins at Home: Political Parties Must Lead the Way to Make Working Spaces Safe for Women

Workplace

  • How are you implementing evidence-based strategies to create a safer and more inclusive workplace while actively challenging harmful informal conversations among peers that perpetuate a toxic culture?
  • How are you using research on gender dynamics and power imbalances to disrupt behaviors that silence women’s voices, and how are you standing with women who speak out against harassment in your organization?
  • What steps are you taking, both professionally and personally, to ensure that anti-harassment policies are rigorously enforced and supported by a culture of accountability and respect for all voices?

Sports

  • When confronted with the pervasive culture of power in sports federations, how are you actively challenging those who use their influence to protect abusers?
  • What actions have you taken to ensure that women athletes in your care feel safe and supported, even when speaking out against powerful figures?

Social Media

Our indulgence at the salacious details of the victim’s injuries caused brings us to question where rape culture ends and distorted consumption begins.

  • How does your advocacy against sexual violence on social media align with your behavior in private conversations and relationships?
  • When you encounter content that trivializes or sensationalizes sexual violence, how do you actively challenge it, both online and in your personal interactions?
  • How do you navigate engaging with the work of individuals accused of abuse, and what actions do you take to address cyber sexual bullying or misogyny, ensuring you’re not leaving the labor to others?

Media

An extension of this is the fact that in this culture, to be socially obtrusive, an incident of rape needs to provide some rasa to the ‘consumer’bībhatsa, bhayānaka or karuna, to be consumed and derived the respective values from. These emotions are not just organic reactions but are rather deliberately cultivated to create a consumable narrative that caters to a voyeuristic audience.” write Sagrika Rajora and Aditya Krishna.

  • How often do you critically evaluate the impact of the stories you choose to cover, ensuring they do not perpetuate harmful stereotypes or sensationalize sexual violence for shock value?
  • Are you demanding better representation and respectful portrayals of women, rather than allowing harmful stereotypes to persist?
  • In what ways are you actively challenging and transforming existing narratives within media to promote respectful and sensitive representation of survivors of sexual violence?
  • Are you supporting feminist grassroot media outlets that fosters positive and respectful narratives?

Law

  • Are you actively ensuring that your legal practice is sensitive to the needs of survivors and inclusive of LGBTQIA+ individuals?
  • How are you confronting and changing the systemic misogyny and indifference present in legal procedures?
  • What immediate actions are you taking to advocate for gender-neutral rape laws? How are you applying insights on dismantling rape culture to drive meaningful change in legal protections and support equitable reforms?

Creation of Alternate Systems

Every act of violence is an opportunity for us to recreate the systems we operate in. When we are fraught from fighting systems, dismantling hierarchies and and the dust of the ruins envelope us (an everyday gathering), what do we make?

What kind of culture do we want to embody, instead? What can our children learn here of freedom and what would it take for us to live through ecologies that are casteless, egalitarian, equitable, inclusive, compassionate? How can we enable each other to become ourselves in our wholeness? Can we relearn the craft of repair and healing, mending and fostering healthy, sustainable relationships with ourselves, each other and the system?

As Nora Samaran writes,

“violence is nurturance turned backwards.”

In its place, she proposes “nurturance culture” as the opposite of rape culture, suggesting that models of care and accountability — different from “call-outs” rooted in the politics of guilt — can move toward dismantling systems of dominance and oppression.

For everyone catharsis means a different ideal. To forge a future rooted in justice, we must begin to actively dismantle hierarchies that perpetuate caste, class, and gender oppression now. This means creating systems that prioritize the dignity and liberation of the most marginalized, ensuring our structures support genuine social justice. We must decentralize power, with relationships and governance built on cooperation, mutual aid, and accountability.

May our focus be on fostering environments where respect, compassion, and connection are central. By repairing broken ties to ourselves, each other, and the Earth, we can build communities that truly value and support everyone. In doing so, we lay the groundwork for a future where justice and care are the driving forces in our collective lives.

I don’t know if I believe in the future carrying catharsis or healing for us. But I hope you do.

First Published Here: https://medium.com/@KokilaB/so-what-can-men-do-ffe8917c9154

0 comments 110 views
2 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

अभी हाल ही में गुजरात और हिमाचल प्रदेश विधानसभा चनावों के नतीजे आए और दोनों राज्यों की विधानसभाओं में एक बार फिर से महिलाओं को पुरुषप्रधान समाज ने गायब कर दिया।

68 सीटों वाली हिमाचल प्रदेश विधानसभा में केवल एक सीट और 182 सीटों वाली गुजरात विधानसभा में केवल 16 सीटों पर ही इस पितृस्तातमक समाज ने महिलाओं को जीतने दिया है। आजादी के 75 वर्षो बाद जब भारत सरकार आजादी का अमृत महोत्सव मना रही है तब यदि विधानसभाओं में महिला पुरुषों की संख्या के बीच इतना अंतर है तो ये भारत देश के लिए चिंता का विषय है। क्योंकि जब तक प्रतिनिधित्व में महिलाओं को उनका हक नहीं दिया जाएगा तब तक उनकी स्थिति में सुधार की गुंजाइश बहुत कम नजर आती है।

भारतीय संविधान में किए गए लैंगिक समानता के प्रावधान के बावजूद और जब महिला मतदाताओं की संख्या लगभग पुरुषों के बराबर है तब भी महिलाओं को राजनीति में भागीदार नहीं बनने दिया जा रहा। यहां एक प्रश्न यह उठता है कि आखिर कब तक महिलाओं को पुरुषों द्वारा अपने अनुसार बनाई गई नीतियों पर अपना जीवन यापन करना पड़ेगा? क्योंकि जब नीति निर्माण की सारी शक्तियां विधायिका के पास होती है, तो फिर विधायिकाओं में महिलाओं की संख्या को क्यों नहीं बढ़ने दिया जा रहा? 

गुजरात विधानसभा में पितृसत्ता ने आज तक केवल चार बार ही 9 फीसदी सीटे महिलाओं को जीतने दी हैं, उसके अलावा ये आंकड़ा 7 फीसदी या इससे कम रहा है। हिमाचल प्रदेश विधानसभा में तो स्थिति इस से भी बुरी है और यहां केवल दो बार ही महिलाओं को 7 फीसदी सीटें जीतने दी गई हैं और ये आंकड़ा इस बार तो घटकर डेढ़ फीसदी पर आ गया है।

वहीं बात यदि लोकसभा चुनाव 2019 की करें तो पहली बार 14 फीसदी महिलाओं को लोकसभा में पहुंचने दिया गया है। इस से पहले ये आंकड़ा 10 फीसदी के आसपास रहा है। और भारत के 19 राज्य ऐसे हैं जहां कि विधानसभाओं में महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व 10 फीसदी से कम है।

भारत ही नहीं बल्कि विश्व में पुरुषप्रधान समाज द्वारा ये अवधारणा गढ़ी गई हैं कि महिलाएं चुनाव नहीं जीत सकती, जो कि गलत अवधारणा है, इस पर पूर्व चुनाव आयुक्त एस.वाय.कुरैशी कहते हैं कि यदि आजाद भारत के 70 सालों के चुनावी इतिहास के आंकड़ों पर गौर की जाए तो पाएंगे कि हर बार चुनाव जीतने वाली महिलाओं का अनुपात उन्हें दिए गए टिकटों से अधिक रहा है। आज तक सभी राजनीतिक दलों से बने कुल उम्मीदवारों में केवल 6 प्रतिशत ही महिलाएं रही हैं जबकि इनके जीतने की दर 10 प्रतिशत है। जो महिलाओं के जीतने की क्षमता को दर्शाता है कि भारत में महिलाएं पुरुषों के मुकाबले ज्यादा संख्या में चुनाव जीत सकती है बकायदा उन्हें ज्यादा मौके दिए जाएं। जैसे यदि हम 2019 लोकसभा चुनाव को देखें तो पाएंगे कि कुल उम्मीदवारों में महिलाओं की संख्या केवल 9 प्रतिशत थी जबकि 14.4 प्रतिशत सीटों पर महिलाओं ने जीत दर्ज की। वहीं दूसरी तरफ पुरुष उम्मीदवारों में जीतने की दर केवल 6.3 प्रतिशत थी।

इससे तस्वीर साफ हो रही है कि महिलाओं की चुनाव जीतने की क्षमता पुरुषों से ज्यादा है परंतु उन्हें मैदान में उतरने ही नही दिया जा रहा। जैसे बीजेपी ने गुजरात में 182 उम्मीदवारों में से केवल 18, वहीं कांग्रेस ने 14 और आम आदमी पार्टी ने केवल 6 महिलाओं को उम्मीदवार बनाया। अब जब चुनाव लड़ने का मौका ही नही दिया जाएगा तो कैसे ही कोई महिला चुनाव जीत पाएगी। 

प्रत्येक देश को रवांडा से सीख लेनी चाहिए, यहां संसद में महिला सांसदों की संख्या 61 प्रतिशत के आसपास है और इतनी संख्या पूरे विश्व की किसी संसद में नहीं है। और ये तब है जब रवांडा ने आज से 30 वर्ष पूर्व दुनिया का सबसे बड़ा नरसंहार झेला। इतने कम समय में अर्थव्यवस्था को फिर से उभारते हुए और संसद में दो तिहाई सीटों पर कब्जा करते हुए महिलाओं ने करिश्मा कर दिखाया है।

रवांडा की महिलाओं ने नरसंहार के बाद कारोबार को अपने हाथ में लिया, महिलाओं को जागरूक करने के लिए विभिन्न समूह और एनजीओ निर्मित की गए और समय समय पर अभियान चलाए गए क्योंकि महिलाएं समझ चुकी थी कि यदि वो घरों से बाहर नहीं निकली तो स्थितियां और ज्यादा खराब हो जाएंगी। 

इसी प्रकार भारत की महिलाओं को भी अब घरों से बाहर आना होगा और एक दूसरे के साथ एकजुटता दिखाते हुए मजबूती से अपने हक पर कब्जा करना होगा। क्योंकि अब पुरुषों के भरोसे नहीं रहा जा सकता कि वो महिलाओं को उनका हक दे देंगे।

भारत में पंचायतों की तरह लोकसभा और विधानसभा चुनावों में भी महिलाओं के लिए 33 फीसदी सीटें आरक्षित की जानी चाहिए और ये महिला आरक्षण बिल पिछले लंबे समय से भारतीय संसद में धूल छांट रहा है। और निकट समय में इसके पास होने की कोई संभावना नहीं हैं क्योंकि कोई भी प्रस्ताव या बिल तभी नियम बनता है जब उसके पक्ष में बहुमत सांसद मतदान करते हैं परंतु भारतीय संसद में महिलाओं की संख्या तो केवल 14 फीसदी ही है और लगभग 86 फीसदी सीटों पर काबिज पुरुष सांसदों से उम्मीद न के बराबर है तो कैसे ही ये बिल पास हो पाएगा और कानून या नियम बन पाएगा।

इसलिए बिना आरक्षण बिल का इंतजार किए महिलाओं को अपनी ताकत दिखानी होगी और  पुरुषप्रधान समाज के मुंह पर तमाचा लगाते हुए प्रतिनिधित्व छीनना होगा ताकि अपने लिए खुद नीतियों और योजनाओं का निर्माण कर सके और महिलाओं को उभरते भारत में उभारा जा सके।

 

0 comments 88 views
25 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Gopika G Nair
(School Of Legal Studies CUSAT)

Domestic violence against women is not uncommon in Indian society. It affects a large number of women, and the majority of them are so used to it that they don’t even report it. Nonetheless, many people continue to be victims of domestic abuse. Domestic violence is a strategy of instilling fear and servility in a person in a domestic setting, such as a household. The motivation for this violence can range from the need to maintain an individual’s power structure over another to the desire to instill/coerce another for self-gratification. Domestic violence in India primarily refers to violence by close or biological relatives to a person; however, it mainly includes abuse perpetrated against women by male family members or cousins. Domestic violence has been defined by the Protection of women from domestic violence act 2005. Before the act, the cases governing the act were dealt with by section 498-A of the Indian Penal Code. According to the Domestic violence act, domestic violence means harming or harassing women in her household. The types of economic abuse can be of different forms like physical, verbal, sexual, and economic abuse.

Domestic violence is more than physical or psychological abuse. On a deeper level, it’s about how abusers often want to take complete control over their partners. Economic or financial abuse is an effective way to get control over somebody. If you are not an earning member of your family you don’t have any money or you owe lots of money that makes limits to your options and makes it more likely to do what your partner wants. Economic abuse can occur when the abuser wants to dictate or dominate. In terms of money, the abuser restricts the victim from using their financial resources and isolates her financially so that she is bound to rely upon the abuser for her survival Section 3 of the Domestic violence act 2005, describes the economic abuse.

Economic abuse is everywhere and it can hurt. People who have experienced economic abuse can end up owing thousands or even lakhs of rupees in debt and it can hurt the credit rating. And these days good credit can be important for getting good jobs and housing not just for getting loans. So financial abuse at times can become emotional abuse.

Economic abuse may take many forms:

  1. Coerced debt – This can happen when the credit abuser puts on non-consensual. This may include forcing the victim to sign financial documents, forcing the victim to get loans, use of physical force to make  credit-related transactions, refinancing a car mortgage or any property without the victim’s knowledge, applying for loans, credit cards, etc.,  in the name of the victim, etc., 
  2. Employment-related abuse – This can happen when the abuser prevents the victim from earning money. This may include situations like preventing the victim from attending the job, asking the victim to quit the job that she was doing, harassing the victim at work, preventing her from looking for jobs, etc.,
  3. Other forms of economic abuse can include the abuser preventing the victim from using certain funds like, using the victim’s ATM cards without her knowledge and preventing her from using the same, deciding how the victim must use the money in her account, etc.,

There are a lot of reasons why economic abuse occurs in India. These can be social, historical, behavioral aspects of the human being. There is no single reason for this abuse it’s a combination of all these aspects.

  • Patriarchy’s inherent wickedness and the male superiority attitude that has persisted for millennia can be traced back to many events n the history
  •  Religious divinity implies a covert, if not outright, dominion over women. As a result of this, domestic, economic violence against women has increased.
  • Dowry is a socio-cultural element. Nowadays there is an increase in the number of dowry-related domestic cases and dowry deaths being reported as a result of which it is given special provisions in the domestic violence act. This system of dowry shows that women can be brought by money as any other object in the market and it is this money that determines her value in society.
  • Economic abuse is also exacerbated by the failure to fulfill conjugal responsibilities as a result of extramarital affairs or a lack of trust. Many sociological, behavioral attitudes of the abuser due to stress or overdose of drugs, etc. can also be the reason for such trust issues which ultimately results in economic abuse
  • Lack of knowledge and a regressive mind can also result in economic abuse. The trashes of patriarchal practices still exist in the mind of many which make him feel that a man is to look after the house, women being his shadow. This triggers him to cause economic abuse.

Any woman who has been harmed or who has seen domestic violence can seek help from a police station, a protection officer, or a service provider under the Domestic Violence Act. To implement its instructions, the court may appoint a protection officer.  The protection officer is a unique position intended to serve as a link between domestic violence victims and the system.  Domestic Violence Act relief orders can also be obtained by filing a complaint directly with the magistrate. Anyone who informs the appropriate authorities about a crime has their civil and criminal liabilities waived. Within three days of filing the complaint, the court must schedule a hearing. If the court determines that the allegation is true, a protection order is issued . A complaint can also be made under Section 498-A of the Indian Penal Code, which recognizes and punishes matrimonial cruelty. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act of 2005, which went into effect in October 2006, is a promising piece of legislation that combines civil and criminal punishments to provide effective remedies to domestic violence victims. The statute establishes protection officers, medical facilities, and no-fee orders, among other things, to assist aggrieved women in safeguarding themselves and their families. In India, the majority of economic abuse, sexual violence, and marital rape instances go unreported. Domestic abuse victims’ agony is exacerbated by a lack of professional counselors who can assist them, as well as limited access to legal aid. Issues like this must be resolved for women to receive the justice they deserve. Abuse thrives only in silence. By merely casting a light on the economic abuse, we can put an end to it. Sharing your experience with your loved ones can help you get out of the dark hole. Replace them as the heroes of the drama and give them the courage and plot to make a climax twist, portraying them as phoenix birds who rise from the ashes and have a bright future ahead. Understand the symptoms of economic abuse and act cautiously and quickly to deescalate the abuse. We can all work together to make our beds, dinner tables, and families the secure and pleasant havens they should be!

0 comments 100 views
5 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

कर्नाटक के उड़पी जिले से उभरा हिजाब सम्बन्धी विवाद सही मायनों में हमारी सहिष्णुता और

धर्म-निरपेक्ष मूल्यों पर सवालिया निशान लगाता है।

‘हिजाब मुद्दे’ से संबंधित खबरें और उसके साथ जुड़ी राय , वाद-विवाद, समर्थन-आलोचना आदि हम सब के सामने है। किसी भी महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दे का विश्लेषण करते समय तथ्यों और विचारों के बीच अंतर करना हमेशा महत्वपूर्ण होता है। इसी प्रकार हिजाब के मुद्दे पर विचार-विमर्श करते समय, यह आवश्यक है कि हम पाक कुरान शरीफ के सभी पहलुओं को पढ़ें और समझें, मुस्लिम उलेमा और विद्वानों की व्याख्या विवेचना को भी देखें और साथ ही साथ भारतीय संविधान को भी ध्यान में रखें और केवल स्कूल विषय को ही ना देखते हुए, एक व्यापक कैनवास में अधिकारों व चयन के पहलुओं को रखें।

पाक कुरान शरीफ के हवाले से यदि हम बात करें तो आयात 24:31 में पुरुष को ‘मोडेस्टी’ का पालन करने को कहा गया है। साथ ही, महिलाओं की पोशाक के संदर्भ में हिजाब का पाक कुरान में कोई उल्लेख नहीं है। हिजाब को केवल ड्रेसिंग के कोड के रूप में देखना गलत होगा। इसका सही मतलब एक ‘कोड ऑफ मोडेस्टी’ है जिसका अर्थ आपके समग्र व्यक्तित्व से है। यदि हम पाक कुरान शरीफ की अन्य आयतों को भी पढ़ें और समझे जैसे 7:46, 33:53 आदि यहां पर स्पष्ट जाहीर है कि हिजाब के कई आयाम हैं, इसका महिलाओं के पहनावे से कोई लेना-देना नहीं है। साथ ही करुणा व सहनशीलता पाक कुरान शरीफ की महत्वपूर्ण शिक्षाएं हैं। फिर पूरे इस्लाम को हिजाब के मुद्दों तक सीमित रखना इन सब महत्वपूर्ण बातों की तौहीन होगी।

इसी सन्दर्भ में जब हम महिला के लिबास को ‘मोडेस्टी’ के पैमाने पर लेकर आते हैं, तो जैसे एक कार को चलने के लिए सभी टायरों के सही संतुलन की आवश्यकता होती है, इसी तरह यह मोडेस्टी की बात भी केवल महिलाओं के कपड़े पोशाक से अकेले नहीं आ सकती है। समाज के सभी वर्गों से सही सहयोग, सकारात्मक सोच और सुधार इसमें आवश्यक हैं।

निस्संदेह ‘चॉइस’ (विकल्प) का मुद्दा महत्वपूर्ण है, कि कोई महिला या पुरुष क्या पहने या क्या ना पहने। विकल्प के इस विचार को एक बड़े संदर्भ में समझना होगा कि कोई भी पुरुष या महिला द्वारा पहनने के लिए लिया गया निर्णय खुद की इच्छा से लिया जा रहा है या कुछ परिस्थितियों के कारण लिया गया है या किसी दूसरे की ओर से प्रतिक्रियाशील पहचान की भावना से लिया जा रहा है, आदि जैसे कई पहलुओं पर ध्यान देना होगा।

कुछ मुस्लिम देश जिन्होंने हिजाब प्रतिबंधित किया है या प्रतिबंधित नहीं किया है, का उदाहरण देना गलत है , क्योंकि राष्ट्रीय हित का विचार प्रत्येक देश के लिए अलग अलग है। इसके अलावा आधुनिकता के विचार को कभी भी कपड़ों से परिभाषित नहीं किया जाता है, यह अच्छे विचारों और सुधार से आता है।

महिलाओं से संबंधित मुद्दों का जेंडर व लिंग के दृष्टिकोण से विश्लेषण किया जाना चाहिए। यहाँ एक व्यापक विश्लेषण की आवश्यकता है कि क्या हिजाब या कोई भी पोशाक पारिवारिक परंपराओं, पुरुष वर्चस्व, पितृसत्ता या सामाजिक परिस्थितियों के आग्रह का परिणाम है।

इसी के साथ महिलाओं के खिलाफ भेदभाव और उनके अधिकारों और स्वतंत्रता पर प्रतिबंध के औचित्य के लिए पवित्र कुरान के संदेश का दुरुपयोग या गलत मायने बताने के मुद्दा को भी समझना चाहिए। इसी तरह, यह तर्क दिया जाता है कि यह महिला सशक्तिकरण के मुद्दे का उपयोग करके पूरे समुदाय को हाशिए पर डालने का प्रयास है।

थोड़ी हटकर बात करें, तो विभिन्न देशों के फैशन शो में व अंतराष्ट्रीय ब्रांड्स में हिजाब व स्कॉर्फ देखने को मिल सकता है। कई महिलाएं लड़कियां इसे पहनती हैं, कई नहीं। साथ ही वैश्वीकरण ने अरब दुनिया के अनुसार मुस्लिम कपड़ों का मानकीकरण (Standardization) भी किया। यही कारण है कि मुस्लिम महिलाओं के मुद्दों पर चर्चा को सिर्फ हिजाब तक सीमित नहीं किया जा सकता है।

मुस्लिम महिलाओं व लड़कियों के मुद्दे आज की दुनिया में विविध हैं। किसी भी अन्य महिला की तरह मुस्लिम महिलाओं व लड़कियों के सामने अन्य महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दे हैं जैसे तकनीकी प्रगति के अनुकूल होना, शिक्षा में वृद्धि, नौकरी, स्किल डेवलपमेंट, अच्छा स्वास्थ्य, घर पर मुद्रास्फीति का प्रभाव आदि। समाज के सभी वर्गों की ओर से उन्हें संबोधित करने का प्रयास होना चाहिए।

संस्थानों को ऐसी नीतियां बनानी चाहिए जो व्यक्तियों को सर्वोत्तम परिणाम उत्पन्न करने के लिए प्रोत्साहन दें। समावेश के समग्र दृष्टिकोण के माध्यम से महिलाओं को सर्वोत्तम शैक्षिक और अन्य विकास के अवसर सुनिश्चित करना आवश्यक है। यह विविधता और प्रगति की ओर बढ़ने का कारक होना चाहिए।

इन सभी तथ्यों के साथ साथ भारतीय संविधान के अनुसार सरकार व समाज का दायित्व बनता है कि किसी को भी उसकी इच्छा के खिलाफ कुछ भी करने के लिए मजबूर ना किया जाना चाहिए जब तक कि उसके उस कृत्य से किसी दूसरे को नुक्सान ना हो।

कपड़ों में लड़का या लड़की क्या पहनना चाहता है ये उनका व्यक्तिगत मत है, इस पर सरकार और समाज को जबरदस्ती नहीं करनी चाहिए ना ही लागू करने में और ना ही बैन करने में।

कर्नाटक सरकार द्वारा हिजाब पर जबरदस्ती प्रतिबंध लगाना अपने आप में मुस्लिम महिलाओं के साथ धक्का शाहाई है, जब जब ऐसी जबरदस्ती की जाती है तब तब लोग सड़कों पर निकलते हैं और इस से ना केवल बच्चों की शिक्षा का नुकसान होता है बल्कि अनेकों बार सरकारी संपति का भी नुकसान होता है।

इसलिए सरकार को ऐसे जबरदस्ती किसी भी समुदाय के पहनावे पर प्रतिबंध या अनुमति नहीं देनी चाहिए।

0 comments 80 views
39 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Trisha Bhardwaj, Research Scholar at Arunachal Pradesh University

The struggle of women stands aloof from what goes loud or visible in the broader media or any visible streamline. Be it regional, domestic, or international pretext, the issues of women and with that the very idea of “non-inclusiveness “comes as natural as anything. What surprising is the fact that how even after being established as exclusionary and alien, these issues and women as an entity are less heard of? Coming to the point of various struggles of their own selves yet celebrating struggles for the nation, causes and fellow countrymen; women from time to time have kept their feet high. Yet why, their stands counts less as social agents? Agents of change? What has been the long lasting impact of this exclusion on them and the community as a whole?

Well this has surely impacted the “capability realm “of women and over powered the patriarchal power dissemination impacting broader knowledge and levels of insights. As argued by eminent political philosopher Michel Foucault , power that gets constituted through accepted forms of knowledge, perspectives, understanding and truth is just another form of strength we are endowed it, but surely there is resistance to that “. Are we living at the edge of accepted abstractions that mostly bespeak a pro men or male centric attitude? Now the question on resistance and over who would provide it proves as an answer in itself. There must be a way out or a proper approach to deal with the emanating urge to club gender as a major form of discrimination in almost every realm of public life. For that a condition of free and open will gathers gist. 

Firstly, Women themselves share a huge part of the burden to let grow as institutionalized agents for change and opportunities. The enthusiasm and fellow apathy amongst themselves seem less as compared to what a man could and has offered to fellow men. The essential nature of challenging any set of standards or acting as resisting force emanates from an organized decent grouping or community. In that sense, the greater responsibility lies on women themselves in celebrating their own selves and standing vocal for their causes.

Second, the need for a more entrenched, regularized and formal education system stands as a pivotal player in creating an active zone for girls. Necessitating the significance of primary and secondary education, higher education has a greater role in shaping and sharpening areas of significance. Taking that into notice, the higher educational institutions both government and private should ease and open up more to women centric areas, prospects and fields of study.

Third, More involvement of government and non-governmental programming, plans and policies in creating a women friendly ethos could be helpful in this regard. An estimated report should be prepared region wise and observations made to strengthen certain fields or areas where women as role players remain absent or inactive. Education, Economy, Agriculture, Sericulture, Horticulture and similar other sectors can serve best for hiring more and more female engagement. 

Fourth, a society cannot function in a vacuum, it emancipates from an organized effort or course of action that can stand as inclusive and evolutionary. However in this context, the role of men in carrying their counterparts or women as a community stands ahead. The way gender has been sensitized and prioritized in today’s times remains a pro men principle which needs to be absorbed and understood by men first to create an equal zone of competence and coexistence. Sharing of work within public and private domain between both the sections should pose as a start off to this. 

Fifth, the plans and policies aiming for upholding women today have been innumerable. But even after that, why is the position of women held dissatisfactory and vulnerable? Do those programs and courses of action initiated by government or non-governmental institutions really reach out to the ground? The answers might be confusing when the harsh realities draw a visible picture in our head and mind. The whole idea of everything “being on paper and not for practice” has often been considered as a harsh truth of today’s governance. And in this way, the democratic ethics and values seems degenerating and now almost is a utopia. Hence much more emphasis on the “execution or implementation” of plans is the need of the hour. In short, the approach to offer a more decentralized way of execution as a whole.

Sixth, Women and their representation in electoral politics is a question of shame and disgrace. The Global Gender Gap Report 2012 as prepared by World Economic Forum enlists India’s rank as 20th from the bottom with regards to women’s representation in Parliament.   Proving itself as the largest democracy, India portrays a state of confusion and despair. The section of women taking part as directly engaged in politics is very less. This provides a picture of contradictions and contestations.  

Way Forward

The greater gender domain needs to be strengthened in every aspect of state and society. With regards to this and the contextual underpinnings presents and asks for more prominent role of women themselves. Thus the whole idea that arises is putting smart use of “Women for Women”. The issues and problems range wider and larger and to uphold that, standing out of women as community aloof, vocal and visible seems like a call. Gender inequality and shedding light on that should be balanced with portrayal of eminent female personalities that can act as a source of motivation for likeminded individuals. The use of social media and social networking sites in this extent would be of greater help in enabling a collective approach. Of course in a multi ethnic, multi-cultural or multi linguistic nation state consensus has almost been an unattainable. However a minimum level of ideological similarity can generate a common platform where problems unnoticed or neglected could be brought in. 

The amount of choices and the ability to make choices in society and state has always been talked of as proving as an advantageous ground for man. However the present times sees women leaders in the forefront engaging in economy and polity of government and administration. In this regards, encouraging and exerting influences on the choices women wants and has to offer needs to be more. To quote eminent women leaders of United States like Kamala Harris, “The status of women is the status of democracy “do gather justification on many grounds. Democracy in literal sense itself springs from the very idea of equality, inclusiveness, tolerance and apathy. Hence an equal status quo for both men and women is what is demanded both at home and work places. Here, exclusion will not strengthen the very philosophy of democratic ethics and ideals, but respect, honor and placing gender at the edge of an equal footing. The very essence to discard a wholly male or female centric state wholly but to draw a string of equilibrium and equipoise.

0 comments 94 views
9 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Neha Bhupathiraju 

At a World Mental Health Day event at National Institute of Mental Health and Neurological Sciences (NIMHANS), Karnataka’s Health & Family Welfare Minister K. Sudhakar expressed his disappointment at the “paradigm shift in thinking” that women choose to stay single and childless. 

“(I’m) sorry to say this, a lot of modern women in India want to stay single. Even if they get married, they don’t want to give birth – they want surrogacy. So there is a paradigm shift in our thinking which is not good.”  He also said that western influence is the reason Indians also choose to not live with their parents. 

Social media is flooded with anger at the Minister’s bizarre remarks. A day after his remarks, he issued a clarification that he “had no intention to single out women”. “Through my address during the World Mental Health Day program at NIMHANS, I intended to send across the message on how our Indian family value system can address the mental health issues that we are facing today”. He also alleges that those remarks were only a part of his 19 minutes speech and are being taken out of context. 

His remarks are rather disappointing coming from the Health & Family Minister. The underlying principle behind (even his clarification!) is the notion that women are expected to be flag-bearers of the value system. It’s not uncommon for the word ‘modern’ to be used in a derogatory fashion – when modern often means, especially in a feminist context, somebody who stands up for themself or makes a choice about their own body. When will we stop vilifying those who dare to breakfree from the shackles of binary notions?

Women, not just in India but around the world, especially in US give a variety of reasons why they may choose to be single or not have kids. While some fear lack of support, some simply enjoy the independence. A lot of women have seen their mothers sacrifice their own lives to raise them up, a choice that they may not prefer to make. So the question is – “why should anyone except a woman or a couple in question, decide what’s right for her or them?” Well, the health minister certainly should not. This incident is also a reminder as to why representation matters and why we need women in decision making, otherwise there would be no recourse to laws, policies and opinion that are fundamentally androcentric.  

0 comments 79 views
2 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Srinivas Rayappa 

Rashmoni was born on 28 September 1793 in Kona village, (in present-day Halisahar) to the blissful couple Harekrishna Das and Rampriya Devi. Her mother passed away when she was just seven years old. She was married to Babu Rajachandra Das, the wealthy scion of a zamindar-businessman family of Janbazar, Kolkata, when she was just eleven years old. Her loving and understanding husband allowed her unfettered freedom, a trait that was slowly gaining popularity among the Bengali middle-class bhadralok society. The couple had four daughters.

Unfortunately, Rashmoni was widowed after the death of her husband in 1836. The untimely death of her husband and the muck of hetero-patriarchal casteism taught her all that she needed to know about the four-fold oppression (caste, creed, gender, and religion) of lower caste women in India. Despite severe resistance from other male members of the family, she assumed the responsibility of the businesses and finances of the Zamindari family, which was indeed rare for the times that she lived in. She wielded her power for the next 30 years, guided by her keen business acumen, solidarity with the underprivileged, a penchant for litigation, and a remarkable ability to take on patriarchy by its horns.

She had in-a-way defeated the dark undercurrents of deep-rooted patriarchy that existed in the 18th century, by standing up for what she firmly believed was rightfully hers. She went on to judiciously manage the finances and worked tirelessly throughout her life in the service of the underprivileged. The pious and humble homemaker had indeed transformed into a pragmatic and astute business woman. She had finally managed to defeat patriarchy in the Zamindari household.

In the 1840s, the fishing communities in the Bengal Presidency, which had flourished for several centuries, were facing a crisis for existence. Congnizant of the burgeoning business potential, the trading corporation of East India Company, turned its racketeering gaze towards the thriving fishing business in the placid waters of the Ganga. Through the months of February to October, small fishing boats would traverse through the waters of the Ganga, netting in bountiful harvests of the silvery hilsa, a supreme delicacy in Bengali cuisine. Under the pretext that the fishing expeditions impeded the free movement of ferries, the East India Company imposed a tax on fishing boats, a sinister move, that reduced river traffic while raking in extra revenue for the Company.

The anxious fisherfolk, mostly from the Jele Kaibaryta and Malo communities, whose livelihood was at stake, decided to travel to Calcutta and plead their case with the upper-caste Hindu landlords, hoping for their unflinching support for their cause. However, the wealthy landlords who were unwilling to risk souring of relationships with the British officers, turned their back towards the fishermen. Dismayed and demoralized, the fishermen, decided to approach Rashmoni Das, hoping that she would lend a supporting hand to their cause. Rashmoni wouldn’t disappoint and this would be her first battle against the cunning and shrewd ways of the British.

Using her business acumen and her litigation skills, Rashmoni, made the most incredible move which would checkmate the Britishers and be remembered in history books as one of the most remarkable events in the fight against the British’s imperial rule in India. 

Rashmoni made an offer to the East India Company to lease out a 10-km-long stretch of the Hoogly river, a distributary of the Ganga. Unmindful of the consequences, the East India Company unwittingly agreed to lease out the 10-km-long stretch to Rashmoni. Rashmoni smarty procured the lease-holding documents and proceeded to place two massive iron chains across the Ganga – at Metiabruz and Ghusuri – where the river arched like a bow and she permitted the fisherman to cast their nets in this barricaded private zone. Once the dinghies flocked the catchment zone, all the large commercial and passenger traffic on the Hoogly river came to a grinding halt. 

Flummoxed by the sudden turn of events, the officials of the East India Company, sent out notices seeking an explanation from Rashmoni. The sharp-witted Rashmoni, legally responded citing that as a leaseholder, she was entitled under the British Law, to protect the income generated from her property and that incessant riverine traffic made it extremely arduous for the fisherfolk to cast their nets inside the barricaded area, thus bringing down their profitability. She also subtly warned the British officials that she was more than willing to litigate on the matter and abide by the judicial verdict, if it came to that. With traffic coming to a grinding halt and boats queuing up along the riverfront, the officials realised that they had indeed been outsmarted by Rashmoni as they had very little or no legal recourse to confront her. Eventually, the East India Company gave in to their demands and were forced to withdraw the taxes imposed on the fisherfolk, giving them unfettered access to the entire stretch of the river Ganga. A Bengali shudra widow had outwitted the clueless Britishers using the Anglo-Saxon capitalism’s most potent weapon – “private property”. As if emboldened by this victory, Rashmoni defied the orders of the British when Puja processions were stopped on the pretext that they disturbed peace, which eventually forced the government to withdraw the orders. Thus she had managed to not only outwit the Britishers but had also defeated them and their sinister designs.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who was one of Raja Chandra Das’ close associates, on his very first interactions with Rashmoni, had witnessed a keen flame in her eyes. Thoroughly impressed by her compassionate disposition, Raja Ram Mohan Roy blessed her saying “May you dispel the darkness from the lives of hundreds of hapless women. May you live up to your name and become the queen of the masses.” Inspired by the lofty ideals of the Brahmo Samaj founded by the Roy, Rani Rashmoni played a pivotal role in voicing protests against polygamy, child marriage, and wife immolation – a diabolical practice also known as Sati. As a woman, she was instrumental in instigating the East India Company to abolish polygamy. She also tacitly supported Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar’s campaign for widow remarriage.

Throughout her life, Rashmoni was involved in innumerable charitable works and made significant contributions to society. She pioneered the construction of a road from Subarnarekha river to Puri in an attempt to make the journey less arduous for pilgrims visiting the holy shrine. She funded the construction of ghats such as Babughat (in memory of her husband), Ahiritola Ghat and Nimtala Ghat for the daily bathers in the Ganges. Rashmoni continued donating money for the construction of ghats on the Hooghly. Rashmoni constructed and renovated nine ghats after the passing of her husband, which added significantly to her popular appeal. To the then Imperial Library (now the National Library of India) and Hindu College (now Presidency University), Rashmoni donated large sums of money. 

Rashmoni also helped transform the lives of misguided youth and gave them a fresh lease of life. Prince Dwarkanath Tagore had mortgaged a part of his Zamindari in now South 24 Parganas (part of present-day Santoshpur and adjoining areas) to Rashmoni for his passage to England. This part of land which was then a part of the Sunderbans was marshy and almost uninhabitable except for some families of thugs who found the area convenient to stay and venture out for plunders in far away places mounted on stilts. Rashmoni persuaded these families and helped them to build up fisheries in the surrounding water bodies that later turned into large, rich bheris. They gradually gave up their ‘profession’ of plundering and transformed into a community of fishermen.

Rani Rashmoni’s greatest achievement was probably the construction and establishment of the famous Dakshineswar Kali Temple in Kolkata. The turning point in Rashmoni’s life came in 1847 when, guided by a vision of the goddess Kali, she started the construction of the temple at Dakshineshwar, four miles north of Kolkata.

In 1855 an auspicious day was fixed for the installation of the deity at the temple. Since she was a shudra, Rani Rashmoni could not prevail upon any orthodox Brahmin to officiate as the priest for the auspicious ceremony. She consulted many renowned scholars, and one of them, Ramkumar Chattopadhyay, guided her out of the dilemma. She made a gift of the temple to her guru, a Brahmin, and provided funds for its maintenance by purchasing a big estate in Dinapur and endowing the temple with its income. Ramkumar Chattopadhyaya was appointed the priest of the temple, and after him his brother Gadadhar took over. Gadadhar was so thoroughly immersed in the contemplation of Kali that many people thought him mentally deranged. Rani Rashmoni was advised not to appoint him, yet with her intuition and insight she was convinced that his strange ways only showed the intensity of his religious fervour.

Once during the time of worship, Sri Ramakrishna sensed that her mind was engrossed in commercial matters and slapped her on the back. Outraged, the astonished people demanded that she dismiss and punish him. She silenced them by saying that the Divine Mother had illumined her heart through Sri Ramakrishna. A memorial shrine dedicated to her stands in the precincts of the Dakshineshwar Temple to this day.

In fond rememberance of Rashmoni and her humongous contributions to society,

1. An avenue in Esplanade, Kolkata is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Avenue, where her statue is also located.

2. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road near her ancestral house at Janbazar, Kolkata.

3. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road at Dakshineshwar.

4. The Department of Post of Government of India issued a postage stamp to memorialize the bicentennial of Rani Rashmoni in 1993.

5. A Ferry Ghat known as Rani Rashmoni Ghat has been built for ferry services in Barrackpore, West Bengal and in Hooghly, West Bengal.

6. One of the 5 Fast Patrol Vessels of Indian Coast Guard has been named after Rani Rashmoni. It was commissioned in June 2018 and will be based in Visakhapatnam (indigenously built by Hindustan Shipyard).

Rani Rashmoni has also been subject of a biographical film in Bengali language, titled Rani Rasmani (film) (1955), directed by Kaliprasad Ghosh, and wherein lead played by famous theatre personality and actress Molina Devi. Zee Bangla features a daily soap depicting the life of the illustrious Rani, captioned Karunamoyee Rani Rashmoni which premiered on 24 July 2017 and is telecasted daily.

The undaunted flame of hope that Rani Rashmoni was, reached the abode of God on February 1862, aged 68. As a feminist, an activist, a philanthropist, Rashmoni continues to be a beacon of hope in a country where women still feel disadvantaged and have to face oppression in every phase of their lives. 

0 comments 120 views
17 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
The Womb - Encouraging, Empowering and Celebrating Women.

The Womb is an e-platform to bring together a community of people who are passionate about women rights and gender justice. It hopes to create space for women issues in the media which are oft neglected and mostly negative. For our boys and girls to grow up in a world where everyone has equal opportunity irrespective of gender, it is important to create this space for women issues and women stories, to offset the patriarchal tilt in our mainstream media and society.

@2025 – The Womb. All Rights Reserved. Designed and Developed by The Womb Team

Are you sure want to unlock this post?
Unlock left : 0
Are you sure want to cancel subscription?