Tag:

socio-cultural

By Satakshi Malviya

Today’s feminist discourse often criticises age old Indian societal cliché- ‘boys should not cry and girls should not laugh loudly in public’. The term ‘politics of body’ constitutes two concepts in which the first concept ‘politics’ signifies the power or power relation and ‘body’ signifies the human body on which this power is exercised. Together it simply means the creation, regulation and control of human body by the power at different degrees in a society- it is cultural or social or any other type of control. Michel Foucault, a French philosopher and political activist, points out that the body is produced through power rather than what it is called ‘naturally formed’ and bodies are controlled and subjugated through certain techniques in the mechanism of the society. The body of the baby, whether it’s a male or a female, while growing up undergoes several subtle societal mechanism of behavioural control. This simply forces them to adopt specific sets of attributes following the strict generalised norms which are produced by ‘relations of power’ to tie up the body with certain behaviour and roles. The motive behind is “Control over body” and this is politics of body. It’s not only the female and transperson bodies which are controlled but also the male bodies.
Here, this part focuses on female body, since they have remained the prey of societal control to maintain general norms of sexuality and male supremacy. It is this societal mechanism which also creates, defines and pressurizes to maintain the notions like ‘female purity’. Foucault believes that sexuality is not a natural quality of the body but rather the effect of specific power relations.
It is important to understand the position of “essentialism” regarding ‘body’ to understand the ‘politics of body’ in which the meaning of women body has been naturalized. Essentialism believes that there are properties essential to women and shared by all the women. Essentialism is similar to providing a universal stand that these properties are common to all women and are essential to be a woman at all. It becomes a feminist concern because if these properties are shared by all women and are necessary to be one, then it can be identified that these are natural properties. Thus, women’s necessary properties are identified as biological. Feminist Alison Stone points out that essentialism views that:
“all women are constituted as women by their possession of wombs, breasts, and child-bearing capacity.”
The second wave feminists criticized this view, among them, the socialist feminists argued by bringing in the ‘social constructionism’ which relies on the distinction between natural sex and constructed gender. This is mainly the sociological approach to gender. The sex-gender distinction is an attempt by feminists to solve the theoretical problem and develop an understanding that gender is not derived from the natural body.

Alison Stone (1991) points out that Judith Butler, Moira Gatens, and Elizabeth Grosz, these thinkers argued that ‘our bodies are first and foremost the bodies that we live and the way we live our bodies is culturally informed and constrained at every point. Consequently, one cannot appeal to any unity amongst female bodies to fix the definition of women, since the meaning of bodies will vary indefinitely according to their socio-cultural location’.

Foucault, a post structuralist, denied the present structural meaning and position of the body/bodies. Foucault first makes use of the notion of the body in the essay, “Neitzsche, Genealogy, History” where he criticized traditional form of history on two grounds: a) as it is dominated by certain metaphysical concepts and totalizing assumptions derived from the philosophy of the subject; b) events are inserted in universal explanatory schemas and linear structures and are given false unity and are reduced to their essential traits or final meaning; which leads to deprive them of their own singularity and immediacy. By this explanation of Foucault it can be understood that how the myth of immutable meaning of female bodies and female qualities is structured and maintained. This is the display and fixation of monotonous pattern for a female body according to which it acts throughout the life.

Foucault (1984) points out that history is read to reconfirm one’s present sense of identity and any potentially disruptive awareness of alterity is suppressed. If you try to opt any alternate pattern to live then you will be suppressed. History is based on the constant struggle of warfare between different power blocks which attempt to impose their own system of domination and Foucault places the human body at the centre of this struggle between different power formations. McNay (1991) further points out the Foucault’s explanation of body:

“As the center of the struggle for domination, the body is both shaped and reshaped by the different warring forces acting upon it. The body bears the marks, the “stigmata of past experience,” upon its surface; “The body is the inscribed surface of events (traced by language and dissolved by ideas), the locus of a dissociated self (adopting the illusion of a substantial unity), and a volume in perpetual disintegration. Genealogy as an analysis of descent is thus situated within the articulation of the body and history. Its task is to expose a body totally imprinted by history and the processes of history’s destruction of the body” (Foucault 1984,83).”

Here, Foucault insisted on the body as historically and culturally specific entity. The most important contribution that Foucault’s theory of the body has made to feminist thought is to provide a way of conceiving of the body as a concrete phenomenon without merging its materiality with a fixed biological essence, for example: if she gives birth that does not mean that this biological function would further fix roles for her and limit her.

Initially, on a fundamental level, a notion of body is central to feminist analysis of the oppression of women because the large structure of gender inequality is built and legitimated upon the biological difference between male and female bodies. This structure, in patriarchal society, has naturalized that women are inferior to men and legitimized it with reference to biology, and the fact that women were attached to some biological functions. This simply means that an accepted notion was: sex is impacting gender and gender inequalities are the result of natural sex difference. This is how the politics of female body can be traced, for example: cooking and nursing has been naturalized as women’s job; girls have been attached to particular occupations like babysitter, nurse, cooks; even if the brother is younger then also it is the duty of the elder sister to serve water and food to him or talk to him with respect, even if the sister is younger than also she is expected to cook rather than elder brother who actually can cook at lower risk etc.

Within some types of feminists this is argued that the notion of natural sexual difference does not explain gender inequalities rather the natural body is used as a central tool in the strategies of oppression and to naturalize certain type of treatment to female body. Patriarchal logic uses sex to make oppressive systems obvious, as Monique Plaza puts “it is not the sex that gives shape to the social, it is because the social that is able to make sexual forms”.

For example the female sex has been given feminine characteristics through diverse social practices- grand celebration of first day of first menstrual cycle of a girl restricts her from certain outdoor activities, attires and friend circle. These bodies are controlled and framed in such a structure, in a patriarchal society, which further leads to imprisoning fit these bodies in a particular meaning of purity/female purity and then women are asked to maintain it. For example: parents often teach their daughters – a female body should not laugh loudly or should not widely open leg while sitting in public place otherwise she is considered a characterless body who is seducing male body. The question is why such ‘purity’? And even if it is then- Is purity only expected from female? Is male impurity more acceptable than female one?

Living in a city and reading this may make these words look a little outdated but what about those ‘female bodies’ which are part and parcel of non-metropolitan area? Even in cities the ‘politics of body’ exists in more modernized fashion. The term ‘gender’ must be questioned if we quench for equality. Why this generalization for control? The body must be celebrated without loading it with roles and attributes & accepting it with its beautiful unique identity which must develop naturally instead of artificial societal naturalization. The body should be treated as just the ‘body’. The fight is still on. The next part reflects light upon politics of transperson body and debate related to idea of sex as natural.

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Deeksha Tiwari

“A feminist is anyone who recognizes the equality and full humanity of women and men.”
― Gloria Steinem

Feminism has been around for a while and it has significantly changed the blueprint of the world we live in. Throughout history, there have been several waves of feminism. The article deliberates on the possibility of a new wave that incorporates the best of both worlds : intersectionality and liberalism. 

 The movement began in the 1830s with the focal point being women’s suffrage. Women realised that in order to achieve equality they had to attain a certain amount of political power. This is widely known as the first wave of feminism. The highlight of the first wave was mainly that women received the right to vote.

The second wave began after World War II in the 1960s and lasted till the late 1980s.. Feminists now shifted their focus to sexual and reproductive rights. They fought for autonomy over their bodies and abortion rights and helped in legalising contraception. The second wave also focused on workplace and wage inequality. 

The third wave which began in the early to mid 1990s was headed by women who already had the rights that the previous waves granted them and now wanted it all. They identified the legacy of their predecessors but were also quick in criticizing them and pointing out their limitations. The movement began to radicalize and diversify and spread into mainstream media and pop culture. Women started to reclaim slurs like ‘slut’ and this led to the inception of slutwalks. 

While there are many schools of thought and waves, the core belief of feminism is that women should not be treated as second grade citizens when compared to their male counterparts. Postmodern feminism has reinvented itself into a fourth wave of intersectionality or intersectional feminism- a theory of social justice and feminism that tries to understand inequality and oppression through a multi-dimensional lens.

Civil rights activist Kimberlé Crenshaw has stated on multiple occasions that if we aren’t intersectional, the most vulnerable of the lot are going to fall through the cracks.

In critical theories, intersectionality is a notion used to characterise the ways in which oppressive institutions (racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, xenophobia, classism, etc.) are intertwined and cannot be independently investigated. Intersectional feminism recognises that no individual or identity exists in a vacuum and our individual socio-cultural backgrounds affect the way things like laws and policies affect us. 

When translated into Indian context, it means that Muslim women suffering from the consequences of bigamy, or economically underprivileged women without access to sanitary pads, suffer far more than majority-class women residing in upscale neighbourhoods of metropolitan cities. Second, and maybe more importantly, the evil of caste enters the picture as well. Women from Dalit bahujan communities are oppressed on three levels by men from their own communities, savarna men, and savarna women.

With a simultaneous rise of the liberal feminism movement, many question whether its principles even adhere remotely with the principles of intersectional feminism. While some argue that a fifth wave is on its way, and the two do not gel together, I believe there is more in common than what is apparent. 

Bigotry is possibly the most blatant breach of individualism. So, it is only natural that the first thing that comes to mind when we think of both the movements, is the common condemnation for it. The very core of the liberal feminist movement is the celebration and protection of individuality and a demand for minimum government interference in the process. Ultimately, it is this very belief in individualism that contributes to the dismissal of the idea of gender roles or any other stereotype that restricts individual choice. This involves racial, cultural, and sexual stereotypes and other community stereotypes of individuals. The focus on individuality rather than collectivism makes sure that no individual or minority “falls through the cracks”. 

Jacob Levy draws a one of a kind parallel between the two movements in his essay. He argues that intersectionality is important to explain how a policy or social order can harm individuals defined by their intersectional identities more than those who are not defined by such an intersection. 

Intersectionality only broadens the libertarian outlook further and gives tremendous insights into issues that otherwise tend to be overlooked. For instance, when advocating for open borders, most liberals often focus on the loss of employment caused by closed borders; the theory of intersectionality, on the other hand, focuses on how limits on migration impact doubly marginal groups, such as women of colour. Not only are women of colour deprived of economic opportunities, but they are also left with the strenuous task of raising children with little to no money on their own when it is difficult for a father to be with his family due to migration restrictions. 

A combination of these two, can help resolve the loopholes that exist currently. If there is to be a new wave, it must combine the best of both the worlds. The liberal theory’s regard of individualism and disregard of government oppression and intersectionality’s indispensable insight into the complex structure of various cultures and societies and the multiple levels and layers of oppression; when placed together, give rise to a refined lens to investigate patriarchal oppression. 

Movements are made of people. People have biases. The need of the hour is to unlearn them and I believe intersectionality provides us with the means of doing the same. Feminism still remains restricted to women with unlimited access to resources like the Internet, a free and equitable judicial system, and social aid. It continues to be just another ambiguous and incomprehensible word for women who are either forced to drop out of school to be married off or women who are not allowed to pursue education in the first place. No movement can be completely successful until every individual, even the most oppressed, is liberated. It is like Audre Lorde said, “I am not free while any woman is unfree, even when her shackles are very different from my own”. 

Deeksha Tiwari is currently pursuing her degree in law at NMIMS School of Law, Navi Mumbai. She is a part of Students for Liberty’s first cohort of Fellowship for Freedom in India.

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