Tag:

unemployment

Ground Reporting by Kashish Singh

Written by Avani Bansal & Parika Singh

Torrential rain poured over his blue raincoat as environmentalist Sonam Wangchuk walked on the 15th day of the Delhi Chalo Padyatra. Spanning nearly 1000 km from the mountains of Leh to the capital city of New Delhi, the Ramon Magsaysay Award winner led over 75 Ladakh residents through the unrelenting terrains of Himachal Pradesh to reach Delhi by 2nd October, 2024. “It’s all in the mind”, Mr. Wangchuk declared in an exclusive interview with The Womb in Lahaul, when asked of the difficulties they are facing while on the way. Adorning a traditional Himachali topi and a white scarf, he was not fazed by the hardships they encountered during the march.

Special Thanks to Mr. Ayush Singhania for the video

Yes, we found snow on Tanglang La, frozen routes on Baralacha La, now rain, and I’m sure very hot climate as we go down.” But they knew what to expect, what was at stake. This is why the two district councils of Leh and Kargil under the Apex Body (a group of stakeholders who are asking for statehood or 6th Schedule status for Ladakh), came together to organize this foot march when Mr. Wangchuk’s 21-day fast in March failed to yield the desired result. When the separation of Ladakh from Jammu and Kashmir was announced in 2019 (via the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019), the people of Ladakh rejoiced. They hoped to be declared a separate state with the power to govern themselves and adjudicate on their unique geographical and climatic issues. At the least, they thought they would finally be able to have a say in the affairs of the state and issues that impact them – land use, terms and conditions of corporate entry into Ladakh, mineral use, etc. Their anticipation soon turned into despair as their pleas for having a say in the issues that affect them remained ignored, while handing over unilateral powers to the Central Government over all legislative and executive issues, after declaration of Ladakh as a UT.

From Hills To The Plains: A March For Constitutional Rights

Now, six years later, the Ladakhi people have taken to the streets for their constitutional rights of representation, employment, and preservation of environmental heritage. In the absence of statehood, or even a legislature, the Central Government assured them of their inclusion in the 6th schedule of the Indian Constitution- a protection that is currently accorded to the tribal majority states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram and grants them the power of self-governance through Autonomous Development Councils. Grant of 6th Schedule status has a pre-requisite of a tribal majority in the said area, which Ladakh fulfils given that the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes estimates a 97% tribal population in Ladakh.

All the Union Territories in India have a different administrative and bureaucratic structure. Delhi for instance while being a UT also has a legislature, thus affording the right to have an elected legislature and government by the people of Delhi. This is what the people of Ladakh are demanding. Either give them a full-fledged state status, or allow them the option of elected legislature while being a UT or atleast give them a 6th Schedule status in the Constitution which will allow them representation in all decision-making. At the moment, both Kargil and Leh have an Autonomous Council with 24 elected and 4 nominated representatives but they don’t really have any law making powers or any real authority so to say. All this will change if the Central Government was to give the 6th schedule status to Ladakh. Now, BJP had promised the 6th Schedule status to Ladakh earlier but then dropped it from its Manifesto during the Lok Sabha Elections of 2024, thereby renegading on its promise. INC on the other hand included it in their 2024 National Manifesto.

More than demands, our main thing is to remind of the assurances and pledges that the government or the ruling party has made to Ladakh about safeguards to Ladakh under 6th schedule, which covers safeguarding its culture, environment, land, and so on”, Mr. Wangchuk explained. He continued, “Then Ladakh ofcourse wants to appeal for restoration of democracy in Ladakh as well, just like any part of India and Jammu and Kashmir. Ladakh has no public representatives to represent them. It’s just a bureaucratic rule. So those are the two main ones.”

Ladakh Has The Second Highest Unemployment Rate’

Through the 18th Lok Sabha elections in 2024, Ladakh was permitted to send a single Lok Sabha representative, although the composition and needs of the districts of Leh and Kargil greatly vary. Leh is situated at a higher altitude than Kargil and experiences a climate equivalent to a cold desert, Kargil is at a lower altitude and has more temperate climatic conditions. Culturally, a largely Buddhist population resides in Leh while Kargil finds itself housing a largely Muslim population. Together though, the territory is facing an acute unemployment crisis. Therefore one of the demands of the ‘Delhi Chalo Padyatra’ led by Mr. Wangchuk is to have atleast two Lok Sabha Representatives, one each from Kargil and Leh.

Picture Credits: The Womb Team

The Government through X (formerly Twitter) last year, stated that they will soon have five new additional districts in Ladakh – Zanskar, Drass, Sham, Nubra, and Changthang to increase the representation by 2028. But thus far, there has been no official announcement in this regard and therefore it remains a mere promise, or distraction and attempt to kill the movement as per some locals.

Ladakh, according to some surveys, has the second highest unemployment rate among the educated”, Mr. Wangchuk revealed while elaborating upon the requirement of the Public Service Commission and early recruitment opportunities for Ladakhi youth.

Women Become The Initial Impact Population Of Climate Change

Since men relied upon seasonal tourism and were forced to travel great distances in search of employment, the burden of agriculture and animal husbandry fell on the determined shoulders of women. Many of whom proudly marched alongside to be heard. “Here, we have women of all age groups, from young to old, just like men. However, women have more responsibilities, so many had to go back to take care of their homes. Others went and came back because their heart is here.”

Picture Credits: The Womb Team

He further highlighted, “Even in their lives they have multiple roles to play, especially in farming, which gets affected by climate change the most, which in turn affects their work tremendously.” As farmers and cattle herders, the current water scarcity was depleting their animal population and leaving their fields barren. The Women’s Alliance of Ladakh has taken it upon itself to preserve and promote traditional water harvesting techniques to alleviate the catastrophic impact of low snowfall and melting glaciers in the Hindu Kush mountains. A cause enthusiastically supported by Mr. Wangchuk.

“As an environmentalist, for me, that’s very important. To protect all of Himalayas with whatever is possible constitutionally- existing or by creating.”

Avani Bansal

While people in Ladakh, particularly women, become the initial impact population of climate change in the Himalayas, it will eventually cascade beyond state and regional lines and encompass the very survival of the human species.

Mr. Wangchuk considers this ‘Delhi Chalo Padyatra’ from Leh to Delhi, a political exercise in its purest form. He clarified, “It could be broadly called political but it is not party-political. We are welcoming people from all parties, all regions, all religions of India.” In fact, those marching eagerly await the involvement of the ruling party itself, which they believe, had the right intentions when they separated Ladakh, but then the BJP Government did not see complete what they started.

“We have been making our points in the most peaceful ways possible. This will be a kind of message to the nation whether peaceful appeals have a place in Indian democracy or not.”

Moreover, the conclusion of the march on 2nd October aimed to draw a parallel with the global example of non-violent protests set by Mahatma Gandhi in the Indian freedom struggle. Mr. Wangchuk and the people of Ladakh were cautiously optimistic of the government’s response. He justified, “Firstly, it is a very peaceful march- what Mahatma Gandhi has shown us. India is a world leader, vishvaguru, in this path of peace that India has shown the world, India stands true to it. Secondly, it is only reminding what the government had assured us, promised us, pledged to us in various manifestos so we very much hope that things will be good.”

The Religious And Geographical Nuance Adds Complexity To Ladakh Issue

The main religious groups in Ladakh are Muslims (mainly Shias) and Buddhists (mainly Tibetan Buddhists) with a small minority of Hindus. As per an earlier Census (2011), Hindus were shown to be about 12 percent but the locals informed us that this was due to the fact that even the army personnel stationed in Ladakh were counted in the Census, whereas given their temporary posting, they shouldn’t have been included in the Census.

Therefore there is also a religious angle to the whole issue. With Muslims and Buddhists both constituting religious minorities in India, but having a majority status in Ladakh, the ruling dispensation’s view on Ladakh will have to be scrutinised along the religious lens as well.

Since Ladakh has traditionally been under the ruling powers in Jammu and Kashmir, which is Muslim dominated, the Leh region of Ladakh has aspirations for a Buddhist majority say in their affairs, while Kargil, which is Shia dominated (unlike Kashmir which is Sunni dominated) may want to have their own say. If the Central Government were to come true on forming five new districts alongside Leh and Kargil, then five of them would be Buddhist dominated. Therefore the overall composition of the administrative structure of Ladakh does not seem bereft of the political, religious, and corporate interests.

For instance, with Uranium being found in high concentration in Ladakh, now makes it a subject matter of further interest unlike before. The investment of about 20000 crores plus in setting up a solar transmission line in Ladakh, by Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) in Ladakh, gives rise to the concern that it might be soon handed over to big corporates, thereby taking away any negotiation powers of the people of Ladakh. But even if this solar project is handed over to big corporates, wouldn’t that atleast bring employment to the people of Ladakh – which is one of the demands of the Delhi Chalo Padyatra group? Yes, but at what costs – most tribes in Ladakh are nomadic, relying on pasture lands for their grazing herds of sheep. Solar power plants, as one member of the Apex Body explained, usually has installations of solar panels at the height of four feet, which prevents the movement of the grazing herds. Now if people of Ladakh have 6th schedule status, they will be able to negotiate for installation of solar panels at the height of atleast 8 feet. Therefore, the demand to have a say is not just at a superficial level, but one that has major ramifications for the everyday lives of all Ladakhis.

1000 kms from Rajghat, those who are walking in the Delhi Chalo Padyatra dream of a Ladakh with bountiful snow, lush fields of barley, and their own legislative assembly. Whether the government will heed their demands and welcome them in Delhi or disregard them entirely as climate change wreaks havoc on the tip of the country will be made clear at the end of the march. Mr. Wangchuk is prepared for another fast if it came to that but was steadfast in his belief in the democratic foundations laid down by the Father of the Nation. Keeping that in mind, we march along with him for the rights of Ladakh and the constitutional freedoms granted to every citizen in this country.

Women In Ladakh Aren’t Just Passive Bearers Of Patriarchy

This might be the very first time that along with asking for democratic rights – a say in their governance affairs, a people are walking for climate change and thereby putting environment right at the heart of politics in India. But the issues of Ladakh are also about cultural and identity politics as much as there is the additional complexity of its geographical location, bound by Pakistan and China on two different sides.

The gender lens in all of this is also especially crucial given the role of women in Ladakhi society, where they have always played the role of a catalyst of change – as active agents instead of passive bearers of patriarchy.

When the Yatra will reach New Delhi at Rajghat on 2nd October, it will have to be seen as to the reception they receive, but here in Himachal, people are very welcoming and sympathetic to the cause of Mr. Wangchuk.

What if the government does not yield to the demands of the Ladakhi people? Well, one solid step a time, without being too attached to the consequences is the spiritualist idea that Mr. Wangchuk seems to embody for the time-being. How he and the movement of the Ladakhi people will pick on from here, after already undertaking a 21 day climate fast earlier, remains to be seen. But the fate of any movement either strengthens or weakens all of those who struggle for democracy. It is this collective hope that makes this Delhi Chalo Padyatra more than just of interest to the Ladakhis. All our fate seems to be connected.

The cause of liberty becomes a mockery if the price to be paid is the wholesale destruction of those who are to enjoy liberty.” – Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi

0 comments 28 views
4 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Pooja Bhattacharjee

Capitalism is an economic system in which means of production are privately owned and the decisions with respect to production (what, how and when to produce) are largely determined by the forces of the free market that are largely based on profits. 

Capitalism structurally oppresses, restricts, and inhibits the access of marginalized individuals, minority communities, and differently abled persons by regulating the opportunities available to them. Based on such structures of inequities, it further exacerbates sexism, casteism, ableism, and racism. The commodification of women’s labour is at its peak, courtesy of the unequal power structures normalized by capitalism. 

Feminism is a socio-economic and political ideology focused on dismantling gender discriminatory structures. It’s about fighting for and creating equality and a good life for everyone, regardless of their sex, gender, race, ethnicity, education, income, religion, or where they live. These goals cannot be achieved in capitalism. Using minority communities and individuals to generate economic and social value in service of reinforcing inequitable social stratification, race and social difference generate economic and social value for feminism when women are lauded for “overcoming” struggles based on gender, race, disability, and so on to fit themselves into a one-size-fits-all notion of feminist progress. 

The focus for improving institutional sexism in the workplace is thus placed upon improving the gender pay gap. Solutions to alleviate the problem have been widely debated and disputed. Some argue that women should be remunerated for their ‘household chores’ (which would hardly serve to de-gender the concept of housework and thus maintains the sexist ideology that is associated with it); others say that working hours need to be more flexible to accommodate working mothers, while yet others argue men should simply help out more at home. Women on average do about twice as much housework as men. All of these arguments have their merits and de-merits but none of them really get to the crux of the issue.  In order to be paid the same as men, we first have to fight the institutional sexism which exists at almost every level of society. 

Many sectors such as automation, information technology and other outgrowths of capitalism are allowing women to compete and win in traditionally male-dominated fields. But observing that some women are quite empowered in capitalism does not imply that the path has been laid and that if we just follow it the goals of feminism will be reached. 

Further, capitalism has set up a system of high working hours for low wages for its labourers and has established a pre-set power role between the owner of the factors of production and the individuals who sell their labour. Given the inherently oppressive and exploitative nature that capitalism entails, and the toxicity that is involved with it, the skewed power relation is only amplified when a woman is selling her labour for which she is paid a wage that significantly undermines the value of contribution made by her. The problems associated with capitalism is particularly biased towards women, there’s always some achievements or standards that they are not meeting, or a role model that capitalism strives them to be. This article achieves to streamline a discussion around the so-called role fulfilment mechanisms which we have become so adept at.   

The Superwoman Effect

Superwoman – though a term associated with women empowerment and celebrates the achievements of women in corporate and on the domestic front, is often misused by capitalism and society to expect sacrifice from women. Gender, class and literature examines the superwoman phenomenon and the impact it has on the women and the stress level which is induced by capitalism. By definition, a superwoman is someone who, ‘takes on the roles of mother, nurturer and breadwinner out of economic and social necessity’.

The superwoman or supermom is associated with a woman who can juggle traditional role expectations associated with being a female and the role and expectations of career advancement and upward social mobility. In her book ‘The Second Stage’ (1981), Betty Friedan describes the superwoman expectation as the double enslavement of women by capitalism since it requires a sacrifice, either at home or work, to be a superwoman.  

Girlboss Culture

Girlboss is similar to Superwoman, it provides an aspirational narrative to the struggles. While it is a good thing to work hard and have dreams and work towards achieving your dreams; the idea of social change projected by capitalism through Girlboss defines the narrow constraints of capital accumulation and its associated preservation of hierarchies and inequities. Girlboss feminism emerges from colonial legacies and structures of power that are predicated on maintaining inequalities based on race, ability and normative gender expression. 

Success is the headliner of girlboss feminism. ‘The Girlboss Platform’, started in 2016, represents the cultural shift toward marketing personality as a component of successful capitalist subjectivities. It uses motivational content by merging personal and professional upgrades to attain success, the personal becomes a vital selling point in girlboss culture. A pattern of desirable personality traits emerges through the platform’s user engagement, highlighting the role of collective intelligence in shaping conceptions of the ideal empowered woman. 

Through these ideas of superwoman and girlboss, capitalism is selling this narrative claiming that anyone can attain wealth, regardless of gender, race, ability and so on – so long as you work hard, think positively and rise above any obstacles thrown at you. By leveraging mediated spaces to perpetuate such aspirational narratives, girlboss feminism naturalizes and obscures the conditions of severe inequality endemic to capitalism. 

In her analysis of beauty and lifestyle bloggers, Brooke Erin Duffy highlights the role of authenticity in capitalism. Duffy notes that authenticity represents the demands for self-promotion created by emotional capitalism, defined by Eva Illouz as ‘the complicated intersections of intimacy and political/economic models of exchange’. Girlboss users respond to emotional capitalism’s norms of engaging what is personal and intimate as modes of profitability. This profitability centres on reinforcing gendered expectations of women’s capacity for expressing vulnerability, pointing to how emotional capitalism operates through structures of gender essentialism. Women are expected to be vulnerable and emotional capitalism engages this norm as an opportunity for extracting value. Through the repetitive selling of their own relatability and authenticity, Girlboss users structure the marketing of personality traits as a key feature of gaining influence. 

Lastly, to overcome sexism it is necessary to combat this system as a whole, rather than focusing specific issues. The whole system must be critiqued and examined. The incredible technological and scientific advances of the past forty years could have been channelled toward dramatically reducing poverty, improving health care outcomes and the ecological sustainability of our production processes and ensuring security in the supply and distribution of clean water, nutritious food, and adequate housing. These are things that all people value. These are also things that would greatly empower women who suffer disproportionately from the lack of these things. 

0 comments 27 views
4 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

The Afghan War

by Guest Author

Pooja Bhattacharjee

Formed in 1994, the Taliban were made up of former Afghan resistance fighters, known collectively as mujahedeen, who fought the invading Soviet forces in the 1980s. They aimed to impose their interpretation of Islamic law on the country and remove any foreign influence. After the Taliban captured Kabul in 1996, the Sunni Islamist organization put in place strict rules where women had to wear head-to-toe coverings, weren’t allowed to study or work, and were forbidden from traveling alone. TV, music, and non-Islamic holidays were also banned.  Though the Taliban remained on the other side of the fence during the US presence in Afghanistan, they quickly invaded all the major Afghan cities at the offset of the US military. 

It’s been over a month since the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan. With half a million people displaced since the withdrawal of the coalition military, millions of people fleeing the country at the onset of the Taliban rule, a collapsing economy and raging unemployment, a possible internet shut down, and major humanitarian crisis at the hands of the interim government composed of terrorists and extremists, stability in Afghanistan is still a far-fetched dream. 

An Uncertain Future For Afghan Women 

Women and children are increasingly bearing the brunt of the violence and continue to be at risk of targeted attacks. Afghan women makeup around half of all civilian casualties. Afghanistan has been the deadliest place for children for the past six years. The Taliban gets to control what women wear, how much they can study, put restrictions on women’s place of work and decide when women will get married. Women in Afghanistan face rising levels of domestic violence, abuse, and exploitation. Women fear to even leave their home under Taliban rule and are barred from leaving home without a male relative. 

Taliban spokesman Suhail Shaheen says the group will respect the rights of women and minorities ‘as per Afghan norms and Islamic values’.  Taliban officials have said women will be able to study and work in accordance with sharia law and local cultural traditions, but strict dress rules will apply. However, a few days ago, they said they would open schools for high school aged boys and male teachers but made no mention of the country’s millions of women educators and girl pupils. Many are questioning how much they would respect women’s rights after this incident.

Education

Over the past 20 years, progress has been made on the number of girls receiving an education in Afghanistan, but over the past few months attacks on schools and villages dramatically increased while international support has slowly withdrawn. It is feared that 1 million children will miss out on education. In July, a group of Afghan schoolgirls shared their fears with an online publication. “As the fighting increases day by day, it’s a concern that we’ll go back in time,” one 15 year old said. 

Amidst the conservative Taliban rule and restrictions on women’s education, Higher Education Minister Abdul Baqi Haqqani, in the Taliban interim government ordered gender segregation  and mandatory hijabs for women in colleges and universities. The plan mentions bisecting classrooms, cubicles with curtains fitted with jaalis, and separate shifts for women and men in schools and universities. For now, most universities have proposed that women be allowed to attend classes from behind curtains or cubicles, or transferred to institutes in provinces they come from. 

Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai, who was shot by a Taliban gunman in Pakistan for advocating for girl’s education, pleaded with the world leaders to not compromise on the protection of women’s rights and the protection of human dignity. In a panel on girl’s education in Afghanistan on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly, Malala emphasized on ensuring the rights of Afghan women are protected, including the right to education. 

Strict Dress Restrictions for Women

Recently, women holding a pro-Taliban rally in Kabul were seen saying Afghan women wearing make-up and in modern clothes “do not represent the Muslim Afghan woman” and “we don’t want women’s rights that are foreign and at odds with sharia” – referring to the strict version of Islamic law supported by the Taliban. These women were seen in black dresses that cover the entire body from top of the head to the ground. 

This was met with a lot of criticism from Afghan women globally, including Mursal Sayas, a master trainer at Afghanistan Human Rights Commission who responded to this incident with, “The fashion statement behind these clothes that cover even the women’s eyes is coercion, bullying and non-recognition of women’s choices and rights.” This was a mutual feeling with a lot of people. 

Afghan women have started a powerful online campaign to protest against the Taliban’s strict new dress code for female students and the burqa worn by women at the pro-Taliban rally. Using hashtags like #DoNotTouchMyClothes and #AfghanistanCulture, many are sharing pictures of their colourful traditional dresses. Women are also protesting about linking chadari or burqa to Afghan women. “Chadari came to Afghanistan during wars with Soviets at the hands of extremists. The main dress of Afghan women is a colorful long gown, with small mirrors and delicate thread work,” Attia Mehraban, a women’s rights activist in Afghanistan said. 

Women Afghan students wore all black during a pro-Taliban rally at a university in Kabul. 

Though there is no indication that the women attending the pro-Taliban rally were forced to wear that clothing nor has the Taliban said that this will become an enforced standard yet, apart from mandatory burqas for women in universities, but it’s just a matter of time till they control this aspect of women’s lives. Images of women on billboards and in shops around Kabul were covered up or vandalised within days of Taliban’s return to the capital. 

In Workplace

The Taliban had promised that its new era will be more moderate, but it has refused to guarantee women’s rights will not be stripped back and many have already faced violence. Last month, Taliban spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid said at a news conference that women should not go to work for their own safety. He added that the Taliban ‘keep changing and are not trained to respect women.’ A senior figure in the Taliban, Waheedullah Hashimi said that Afghan women and men should not be allowed to work together as Sharia law doesn’t allow it. If formally implemented, it would bar women from employment in government offices, banks, media companies, etc. 

At the onset of Taliban rule last month, girls in Kandahar were asked to go home and their male relatives were asked to fill in their positions in the bank. Many other women have been stripped off of their positions at work and their male relatives have been asked to fill in their positions. Taliban officials have held that women will be allowed to work only when proper segregation can be implemented. Many Afghan women fear that they would never find meaningful employment. 

Taliban has also shut down the former government’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs and replaced it with one which enforces religious doctrine. Although still marginalized, Afghan women have fought for and gained basic rights in the past 20 years, becoming lawmakers, judges, pilots, though mostly limited to large cities. But since returning to power, the Taliban have shown no inclination to honor those rights.

Activist Pashtana Durrani warns people to be wary of the promises made by Taliban;

“You have to understand that what the Taliban say and what they are putting in practice are two different things, they are looking for legitimacy from all these different countries, to be accepted as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, but then at the same time, what are they doing in practice?” Ms. Durrani also points out that when the Taliban talk about women’s rights, they talk about them in vague terms: do they mean mobility rights, socialising rights, political rights, their representative rights and/or voting rights? It is not clear whether they mean all or only some of those rights, she says.

Grey clouds cover the Afghanistan sky, the darkness and gloominess represents the country’s future under Taliban rule. Many are worried that their hopes and dreams will be shattered by the Taliban, many have been stripped off their basic rights to freedom & education, the most affected remain the women. They have been banned from working in many major sectors by the Taliban, they cannot be a member of the cabinet and uncertainty hovers over their future and their right to livelihood. There is a state of anxiousness and Afghan women and girls must wait to see what pans out in the course of time.         

0 comments 24 views
7 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

Authors: Mitali Nikore, Khyati Bhatnagar, Priyal Mundhra

Research assistance: Ishita Upadhyay, Girish Sharma, Shruti Jha

India’s growing economy needs 103 million skilled workers between 2017-2022. Yet, over 100 million Indian youth (15-29 years) are not in education, employment or training (NEET), of which around 88.5 million are young women. The proportion of working-age women receiving any form of vocational training over the past decade has been increasing from 6.8% in 2011-12 to 6.9% in 2018-19, vs. an increase from 14.6% to 15.7% for men.

Furthermore, there is a concentration of women trainees in non-engineering, labour-intensive sectors and job roles. Under the flagship Prime Minister Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) for short-term skilling, although women comprised 49.9% of enrolled candidates over 2016-2020, they remained concentrated in traditional, “feminised” sectors such as beauty, apparel and healthcare, and almost entirely excluded from high technology or more mechanised sectors. Between 2014-19, women comprised 17% of enrolment at Industrial Training Institutes (ITI). Women formed only 4.3% of enrollments in engineering trades vs 54.7% in non- engineering trades.

Source: NSDC Analysis, June 2020

In this context, prolonged closures of education and skilling facilities during the COVID-19 pandemic are creating new barriers, especially for young women trying to enter the labour force. Between September 2020 to May 2021, Nikore Associates undertook consultations with over 60 stakeholders belonging to community-based organisations (CBOs), academic institutions, government agencies, women-led self-help groups (SHGs), and corporates to understand these barriers.

1. Gender-based digital divide: During COVID-19, several CBOs switched to online and Whatsapp-based skill training modules. However, in 2020, 25% of India’s adult female population owned a smartphone vs. 41% of men. Consultations showed that owing to lower ownership of smartphones, unfamiliarity with phone features, high data costs, and lower priority being accorded to women’s skill training, several women and adolescent girls dropped out of training. In one example of this, a Mumbai based NGO shared that large family sizes necessitated phone-sharing. Coupled with financial constraints which limited the purchase of internet packages, women’s enrolment in their online skill training courses had fallen.

2. Unpaid work: Indian women were already spending an average of 5 hours per day on unpaid care work, vs. 30 minutes spent by men pre-COVID-19. Nearly 45% of women’s unpaid work is centered around childcare, and the unavailability of creche facilities at skill centers deters women with caregiving responsibilities from joining. Consultations across social groups revealed that the presence of male relatives and children at home due to closure of workplaces and schools led to an increase in care work. For instance, an SHG mobiliser in Telangana shared that the women in her community were unable to attend trainings and SHG meetings owing to domestic work.

3. Commuting options and mobility restrictions: Even before COVID-19, 28.3% of women enrolled in ITIs cited difficulty in commuting as their reason for withdrawing from skill training. Lockdown measures disrupted public transport services, increased the risk of gendered violence in empty public spaces, and heightened mobility restrictions for women. For instance, a Manipur-based CBO shared that even after lockdowns eased and training centers re-opened, women were unable to re-join trainings as they did not have a means to commute.

4. Social norms. In a pre-COVID-19 survey, 58% of female trainees cited marriage, 21% cited family issues, and another 7.5% cited family perception of ITIs being more suited for males as major reasons dropping out of skill training programs. Consultations show that with COVID-19, families have become even more reluctant to allow young women to step out for training. For instance, a Delhi-based CBO conducting training for women to take up cab-driving saw much higher resistance from families post COVID-19.

5. Wage gaps and low likelihood of employment post training: Even after training, women’s likelihood of obtaining a job was lower than men. About 46.9% of women who received formal vocational training did not enter the labour force, vs. 12.7% of men (NSSO 2019). An analysis of data from 64 ITIs shows that only 25.6% of female trainees received job offers in 2018-19. In a survey of employers, 50% of MSMEs and 32% of large companies expressed a reluctance to employ women owing to the need to ensuring their security, risks with involving them in heavy manual labour, and their interest in working in closer proximity to their homes. Women also suffer gendered wage gaps. Between 1993-2018, the average wages for female casual workers in urban settings stood at ~63% of the male wage. Consultations showed that during COVID-19, these gender-biases could worsen, especially across small businesses owing to repeated macroeconomic shocks and working capital constraints.

The Government of India (GOI) has recognized women as a priority group under the Skill India Mission. Further, the GOI’s recent announcement to conduct a tracer study to gauge the impact of PMKVY on female labour force participation is a much-needed intervention to understand the correlation between skill development and employability for women.

As the country moves on to a medium-term path of economic recovery post-COVID19, several additional measures can be considered by the GOI to encourage government and private training providers to undertake gender-inclusive skilling interventions.

The GOI could formulate an incentives-based approach with gender targets for all courses under its National Skill Qualification Framework (NSQF). Reward mechanisms can be created such that training partners become eligible for additional financial support if new modules are devised for women’s training, or if there is an increase in enrolment and placement of female candidates, especially in non-traditional trades.

A composite national and state level ranking of skilling institutes should be devised to assess gender mainstreaming efforts, including increasing awareness, recruiting female faculty and offering counselling services for female candidates and potential employers.

There is also an urgent need to create gender sensitive infrastructure at skill training institutions, with procurement standards of private training partners under government schemes mandating separate washrooms, strict security, balanced gender ratio of trainers and the provision of safe transport. Gender sensitive infrastructure should be standardized across all government and private skilling institutes.

A host of long-term structural barriers, such as occupational segregation, the income effect of rising household-incomes, and increased mechanization, which when combined with increased unpaid work, growing gender disparities in education, and heightened mobility restrictions due to the pandemic, have intensified the challenges of bringing women back to work. Thus, bridging the gender gaps in skill training and making women ready for a digitized, technology-driven post-COVID-19 workplace, should be a priority for GOI.

0 comments 25 views
6 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

By Rajesh Singh

कोरोना महामारी के चलते जब सारे शैक्षणिक संस्थान बन्द है तब शिक्षा का जो स्वरूप बदला है, वह ना तो हमारे देश के छात्रों और ना ही छात्राओं के लिए अच्छा है, क्योंकि इसमें ना तो परस्पर क्रिया है और ना ही सहभागिता। यूनेस्को (संयुक्त राष्ट्र शैक्षणिक, वैज्ञानिक एवं सांस्कृतिक संगठन) के अनुसार भारत में लॉकडाउन के कारण लगभग 32 करोड़ छात्र छात्राओं की पढ़ाई रुकी है, जिसमे लगभग 15.81 करोड़ केवल लड़कियां हैं।

कोरोना महामारी से शिक्षण संस्थान मुख्य रूप से स्कूलों के बंद होने से लड़कियों (खासकर ग्रामीण क्षेत्र में रहने वाली) को सबसे ज्यादा नुकसान हुआ है। अब जब स्कूल जाना नहीं तब उन पर घर के कार्यों का बोझ बढ़ा है I हालांकि पहले भी घर के कार्यों में वो अपना योगदान देती थी, परंतु पहले ये होता था कि सुबह स्कूल जाना है, वहां 6 घंटे रहना है, स्कूल से आकर स्कूल का कार्य करना है, इसमें उनका काफी वक्त लग जाता था जिसके चलते उन्हें घर के सारे कार्य नहीं करने पड़ते थे I परंतु अब सुबह से लेकर शाम तक घर का सारा कार्य उन्हें करना पड़ता है I घर में बड़े बुजुर्ग भी ये कहते हैं कि जब स्कूल नहीं जाना तो कम से कम घर के कार्य करने ही सीख जाओ। इसके साथ ही प्राथमिक स्कूल की बच्चियां जिन्होंने अभी स्कूल जाना शुरू किया था, अभी सीखना शुरू किया था,की तरफ किसी का कोई ध्यान नहीं जा रहा, उनका भविष्य अंधकार में धकेला जा रहा है I आमतौर पर जब कोई इंसान कुछ सीखना शुरू करता है तो उसे अभ्यास की ज़रूरत होती है, यदि कोई चीज़ सीखी हो और उसका अभ्यास ना किया जाए तो बहुत जल्दी वो चीज़ भूल भी जाते हैं और बच्चों जिन्होंने अभी अभी सीखना शुरू किया है उनके लिए सीखी हुई चीजों का अभ्यास करना ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण हैI 

परंतु अब जब पिछले 15 महीनों से स्कूल बंद है तब कैसे छोटे बच्चे घर में अभ्यास करें? हो सकता है कि कुछ परिवार अपने बच्चों को प्रतिदिन कुछ पढ़ा कर अभ्यास करवा पाएं पंरतु लगभग 70 फीसदी परिवार ऐसे है जो दिहाड़ी मजदूरी करके अपना और परिवार का पेट पालते हैं, उनके पास इतना वक्त नहीं होता कि वो अपने बच्चों को पढ़ा पाए I इनमे से भी अधिकतर माता पिता खुद अनपढ़ है तो वो कैसे अपने बच्चों को कुछ सीखा पाएंगे और अगर बच्चा लड़की है तो उसपर बिल्कुल ध्यान नहीं दिया जाता I यदि ट्यूशन भी लगाना हो तो आम जन लड़कियों की बजाए लड़कों को ज्यादा तरजीह देते हैं। इसके साथ ही जो लड़कियां कक्षा 9 या 10 में पढ़ती थी उनकी शादियां हो रही है जिससे उन्हें शारीरिक और मानसिक रूप से बड़े बदलाव के दौर में जीना पड़ रहा है।

यूनेस्को की शिक्षा विभाग की सहायक महानिदेशक “स्टेफेनिया गियनिनी” ने पिछले वर्ष कहा था कि इस महामारी के कारण शैक्षणिक संस्थान बंद होना लड़कियों के लिए बीच मे ही पढ़ाई छोड़ने की चेतवानी है। इससे शिक्षा में लैंगिक अंतर जहां और बढ़ेगा वहीं विवाह की कानूनी उम्र से पहले ही लड़कियों की शादी की संभावनाओं से भी इंकार नहीं किया जा सकता है।

सरकार ने हालांकि शिक्षा बिल्कुल ना रुके इसके लिए ऑनलाइन शिक्षा शुरू की, परंतु भारत में पर्याप्त संख्या में ना तो ऑनलाइन शिक्षा के लिए यंत्र हैं और ना ही आम जन के पास इन्हें चलाने की कला। लोकनीति सीएसडीएस ने अपनी 2019 की रिपोर्ट में बताया कि ग्रामीण क्षेत्रो मे केवल 6 फीसदी परिवारों में और शहरी क्षेत्रों में 25 फीसदी परिवारों के पास कंप्यूटर है। और केवल एक तिहाई घरों में ही स्मार्ट फोन है, इसमें भी अधिकतर घरों में एक ही स्मार्टफोन है, जिसे पूरा परिवार प्रयोग करता है, और ये फोन घर के मुख्य व्यक्ति के पास रहता है, वो जब घर होता है तभी बच्चे उसे प्रयोग कर सकते हैं, और बच्चों में भी लड़कियों की बारी लड़कों के बाद में आती है। 

राष्ट्रीय प्रतिदर्श सर्वेक्षण कार्यालय ने अपनी 2017-2018 की रिपोर्ट में कहा था कि भारत में केवल 24 फीसदी परिवारों के पास ही इंटरनेट की सुविधा है। अर्थात् 70 फीसदी परिवारों के पास ना तो कंप्यूटर है ना ही स्मार्टफोन और ना ही इंटरनेट और इसके साथ साथ घरों में ना तो पर्याप्त जगह है जहां पर बैठ कर शांति से बच्चे पढ़ सके और ना ही ऐसा माहौल जिसमे कुछ सीखा जा सके तो इस दौर में ऑनलाइन शिक्षा कैसे सम्भव है? सबसे महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य ये भी है कि ग्रामीण परिवेश में रहने वाले अधिकतर लोगों को सोशल मीडिया चलाना ही नहीं आता I दूसरा जो काम स्कूल द्वारा भेजा जाता है उसे बच्चे समझ ही नहीं पाते कि इसे करना कैसे है, उन्हें बताने वाला कोई नहीं है, और फोन जब शाम को घर आता है तब उसकी बैट्री लगभग खत्म होने को होती है और ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में बिजली भी 24 घंटे उपलब्ध नहीं होती I इस प्रकार ऐसे अनेकों कारण है जिनकी वजह से ग्रामीण बच्चों और खासकर लड़कियों की पढ़ाई छूट रही है। अब उन्हें वापिस मुख्यधारा में लाना अपने आप में एक चुनौती है।

“दिल्ली आईआईटी की प्रोफेसर डॉ. रीतिका खेड़ा ने कहा है कि ऑनलाइन शिक्षा गरीबों के बच्चों के साथ भद्दा मज़ाक है”। 

यूनिसेफ ने प्राथमिक शिक्षा को सबसे ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण व प्रभावशाली बताया है और कहा है कि जब भी लॉकडाउन जैसा कदम उठाना हो तब प्राथमिक स्कूलों को सबसे बाद में बंद करना चाहिए और जब सब कुछ खुलने लगे तो प्राथमिक स्कूलों को ही सबसे पहले खोलना चाहिए। क्यूंकि हम देखते है की घर के बड़े महिला पुरुष अपने अपने कार्यों को करने के लिए बाहर आते जाते रहते हैं इसलिए यदि वायरस आने का उन्हें कोई खतरा नहीं है तो बच्चों को खतरा कैसे हो सकता है। दूसरी सबसे खास बात ये है कि छोटे बच्चों में संक्रमण का खतरा कम है और इसके साथ साथ यदि प्राथमिक स्कूलों को लंबे समय तक बन्द रखा जाता है तो छोटे बच्चे कुछ भी संख्या या शब्दों को सीख नहीं पाएंगे, जिससे आने वाले समय में उन्हें भारी समस्याओं को सामना करना पड़ेगा। परंतु भारत में अब जब सब खुल चुका है तब कक्षा 9 से 12 तक के स्कूल सबसे पहले खुलने शुरू हुए हैं, जबकि होना इसका उल्टा चाहिए था क्यूंकि इन बड़े बच्चों को कम से कम लिखना पढ़ना तो आता ही है इसलिए इनका जितना नुकसान होना था वो हो चुका परंतु छोटे बच्चों का नुकसान तो प्रतिदिन हो रहा है। 

और हम देखें कि यदि छोटी बच्चियों को पढ़ने का अवसर नहीं मिला तो निश्चित रूप से उनकी शादी भी कानूनी उम्र से पहले ही होएगी, उसके बाद उन्हें शारीरिक और मानसिक तनाव का सामना भी करना पड़ सकता है और अनपढ़ता के दौर में शादियों में एक लड़की देके दूसरी लड़की लेने का प्रचलन भी बढ़ने की सम्भावना है। इसलिए सरकार को लड़कियों व उनके भविष्य और एक बेहतर भारत के निर्माण को ध्यान में रखते हुए सारे शिक्षण संस्थान खोल देने चाहिए और ऑफलाइन शिक्षा पुन: शुरू करनी चाहिए क्योंकि कोई भी देश लड़कियों को मुख्यधारा में शामिल किए बिना ना तो अपना विकास कर सकता है और ना ही वहां सभ्य समाज का निर्माण हो सकता है।

0 comments 24 views
39 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail

Mani Chander

Of 153 countries, India is placed at an abysmal 149th position in economic participation and opportunity according to the Gender Gap Index Report of 2020. Over the last few months, this gender gap has further exacerbated as many women continue to take substantial pay cuts and have lost jobs owing to the pandemic. An Oxfam India report estimates the economic loss from women losing their jobs during the pandemic at about $216 billion – this would mean knocking off a striking 8% from the country’s gross domestic product. It is for this reason that the gender pay gap should no longer be viewed as merely a social problem. A national crisis is before us and we must deal with it head-on.

So what’s causing this “She-cession”? Since the onset of the pandemic, reports across the world suggested that women are more likely than others to bear the economic burden. But this has turned out to be particularly true for Indian women. Not only do fewer women work in India when compared to other countries, but they also get paid way less than working women in other countries. Besides, Indian women are more vulnerable due to our inherently patriarchal society as marriage and maternity typically take center stage in a woman’s lives. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development statistics, on average, women in India spend almost 352 minutes per day on unpaid work such as household chores, childcare and looking after elderly parents, as opposed to just 52 minutes by their male counterparts.

Prior to the lockdown women in India contributed 18% to the country’s economic output, about half of the global average. Now, with the coronavirus outbreak this percentage is set back even further due to the unreasonable expectation that women, by default, are exclusively responsible for all household duties. In essence, working women are now juggling multiple roles. Their domestic help is no longer available, children are off schools and older parents who are vulnerable to the virus require special care. For these reasons, women are dealing with additional stress leading to reduced productivity at work, and as a result, they are being increasingly perceived by employers as easy targets for pay cuts and layoffs. 

Unlike other countries, where women who are laid off are compensated with social security benefits, Indian women are left bereft of such benefits in case of layoffs. Self-employed women and those who are employed on a temporary or contractual basis are particularly disadvantaged as they have little to no security or legal protections to fall back on. While many other countries have offered comprehensive unemployment insurance to working women facing hardships, women in India are further handicapped by the sheer lack of it.

The most significant factor that puts India at a back-footing when compared to other countries, however, is that a majority (ranging from 88 to 95 percent) of women continue to work in the unorganised sector, many of whom are migrant workers who were forced out of jobs due to the pandemic. Their employment is concentrated in labour intensive, low-growth and low-productivity sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing and construction. Over a period of time, women in these sectors are likely to lose more jobs with the surge in mechanisation and automation. Interestingly, McKinsey Global Institute in a 2019 Report estimated that up to 12 million Indian women could lose their jobs by 2030 owing to automation in these sectors. Without question, such a catastrophe would halt or even reverse any progress made towards enhancing women’s participation in the workforce.

The female wage in India is 60-65% of the male wage since the last three decades. Before the pandemic unleashed, the World Economic Forum in its Global Gender Gap Report of 2020 painted a grim picture. It indicated that it would take a century to reach pay parity. If we continue to ignore the economic inequalities caused by the pandemic, any prospects of closing the gap even in the next 100 years will be further hampered.

It is evident that the effects of the pandemic are gender conscious, so it stands to reason that our efforts to overcome them involve a gendered response. What India needs is an effective re-evaluation of its policies and targeted interventions by the civil society, government and private sector. Instead of reinforcing mechanisms and cultural norms that push women out of jobs, it is time we begin investing in women as the pillars of nation building – by rewarding them with equal pay for equal work, if not more. 

Let’s bridge the gap.

* Views are personal. This piece is the first in the series “Bridge the Gap” presented by The Womb. The author of the series is a Delhi based practicing lawyer who holds a special interest in gender justice. She is admitted to the New York State Bar and holds a Master’s degree from the University of Virginia School of Law, United States.

0 comments 26 views
2 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
The Womb - Encouraging, Empowering and Celebrating Women.

The Womb is an e-platform to bring together a community of people who are passionate about women rights and gender justice. It hopes to create space for women issues in the media which are oft neglected and mostly negative. For our boys and girls to grow up in a world where everyone has equal opportunity irrespective of gender, it is important to create this space for women issues and women stories, to offset the patriarchal tilt in our mainstream media and society.

@2025 – The Womb. All Rights Reserved. Designed and Developed by The Womb Team

Are you sure want to unlock this post?
Unlock left : 0
Are you sure want to cancel subscription?