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West Bengal

The Womb team travelled to a beautiful village – Lamahatta, nestled in the hills near Darjeeling, West Bengal.

We spoke to Rasmani ji and her two talented daughters. In the pouring rains, in the hills, we speak of life in Lamahatta, women’s occupations here, and what’s the gender equation or power dynamics like?

Rinzhima, who is the eldest daughter, tells us about her experiences in Delhi, and shares the experience of his sister being eve-teased because of her north-east identity. She also shares her challenges as an entrepreneur in Delhi, where she has a make-up salon : Art and Artistry in Malviya Nagar. She confirms that women are indeed more powerful in the north-east, with an equal say in all affairs.

Jeena, the younger daughter is a singer. She plays with the local bands and on our request, sings for us a beautiful Nepali song.

These conversations, simple yet touching, is what our lives are made of. To find ourselves in a new culture but realise that as humans, and especially as women, our experiences speak to each other beyond borders of culture, religion and faiths.

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The Womb team met Ms. Rachna Pradhan, Deputy Ranger, posted in Senchal Wildlife Sanctuary, Darjeeling, West Bengal. She spoke to us about her work, what does it look like on a day to day basis, and why should young people, especially women consider joining this profession. Ms. Rachna is an inspiring young woman, breaking stereotypes in more ways than one and doing so in style. Do watch and subscribe to the womb channel for similar videos.

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By Srinivas Rayappa 

Rashmoni was born on 28 September 1793 in Kona village, (in present-day Halisahar) to the blissful couple Harekrishna Das and Rampriya Devi. Her mother passed away when she was just seven years old. She was married to Babu Rajachandra Das, the wealthy scion of a zamindar-businessman family of Janbazar, Kolkata, when she was just eleven years old. Her loving and understanding husband allowed her unfettered freedom, a trait that was slowly gaining popularity among the Bengali middle-class bhadralok society. The couple had four daughters.

Unfortunately, Rashmoni was widowed after the death of her husband in 1836. The untimely death of her husband and the muck of hetero-patriarchal casteism taught her all that she needed to know about the four-fold oppression (caste, creed, gender, and religion) of lower caste women in India. Despite severe resistance from other male members of the family, she assumed the responsibility of the businesses and finances of the Zamindari family, which was indeed rare for the times that she lived in. She wielded her power for the next 30 years, guided by her keen business acumen, solidarity with the underprivileged, a penchant for litigation, and a remarkable ability to take on patriarchy by its horns.

She had in-a-way defeated the dark undercurrents of deep-rooted patriarchy that existed in the 18th century, by standing up for what she firmly believed was rightfully hers. She went on to judiciously manage the finances and worked tirelessly throughout her life in the service of the underprivileged. The pious and humble homemaker had indeed transformed into a pragmatic and astute business woman. She had finally managed to defeat patriarchy in the Zamindari household.

In the 1840s, the fishing communities in the Bengal Presidency, which had flourished for several centuries, were facing a crisis for existence. Congnizant of the burgeoning business potential, the trading corporation of East India Company, turned its racketeering gaze towards the thriving fishing business in the placid waters of the Ganga. Through the months of February to October, small fishing boats would traverse through the waters of the Ganga, netting in bountiful harvests of the silvery hilsa, a supreme delicacy in Bengali cuisine. Under the pretext that the fishing expeditions impeded the free movement of ferries, the East India Company imposed a tax on fishing boats, a sinister move, that reduced river traffic while raking in extra revenue for the Company.

The anxious fisherfolk, mostly from the Jele Kaibaryta and Malo communities, whose livelihood was at stake, decided to travel to Calcutta and plead their case with the upper-caste Hindu landlords, hoping for their unflinching support for their cause. However, the wealthy landlords who were unwilling to risk souring of relationships with the British officers, turned their back towards the fishermen. Dismayed and demoralized, the fishermen, decided to approach Rashmoni Das, hoping that she would lend a supporting hand to their cause. Rashmoni wouldn’t disappoint and this would be her first battle against the cunning and shrewd ways of the British.

Using her business acumen and her litigation skills, Rashmoni, made the most incredible move which would checkmate the Britishers and be remembered in history books as one of the most remarkable events in the fight against the British’s imperial rule in India. 

Rashmoni made an offer to the East India Company to lease out a 10-km-long stretch of the Hoogly river, a distributary of the Ganga. Unmindful of the consequences, the East India Company unwittingly agreed to lease out the 10-km-long stretch to Rashmoni. Rashmoni smarty procured the lease-holding documents and proceeded to place two massive iron chains across the Ganga – at Metiabruz and Ghusuri – where the river arched like a bow and she permitted the fisherman to cast their nets in this barricaded private zone. Once the dinghies flocked the catchment zone, all the large commercial and passenger traffic on the Hoogly river came to a grinding halt. 

Flummoxed by the sudden turn of events, the officials of the East India Company, sent out notices seeking an explanation from Rashmoni. The sharp-witted Rashmoni, legally responded citing that as a leaseholder, she was entitled under the British Law, to protect the income generated from her property and that incessant riverine traffic made it extremely arduous for the fisherfolk to cast their nets inside the barricaded area, thus bringing down their profitability. She also subtly warned the British officials that she was more than willing to litigate on the matter and abide by the judicial verdict, if it came to that. With traffic coming to a grinding halt and boats queuing up along the riverfront, the officials realised that they had indeed been outsmarted by Rashmoni as they had very little or no legal recourse to confront her. Eventually, the East India Company gave in to their demands and were forced to withdraw the taxes imposed on the fisherfolk, giving them unfettered access to the entire stretch of the river Ganga. A Bengali shudra widow had outwitted the clueless Britishers using the Anglo-Saxon capitalism’s most potent weapon – “private property”. As if emboldened by this victory, Rashmoni defied the orders of the British when Puja processions were stopped on the pretext that they disturbed peace, which eventually forced the government to withdraw the orders. Thus she had managed to not only outwit the Britishers but had also defeated them and their sinister designs.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who was one of Raja Chandra Das’ close associates, on his very first interactions with Rashmoni, had witnessed a keen flame in her eyes. Thoroughly impressed by her compassionate disposition, Raja Ram Mohan Roy blessed her saying “May you dispel the darkness from the lives of hundreds of hapless women. May you live up to your name and become the queen of the masses.” Inspired by the lofty ideals of the Brahmo Samaj founded by the Roy, Rani Rashmoni played a pivotal role in voicing protests against polygamy, child marriage, and wife immolation – a diabolical practice also known as Sati. As a woman, she was instrumental in instigating the East India Company to abolish polygamy. She also tacitly supported Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar’s campaign for widow remarriage.

Throughout her life, Rashmoni was involved in innumerable charitable works and made significant contributions to society. She pioneered the construction of a road from Subarnarekha river to Puri in an attempt to make the journey less arduous for pilgrims visiting the holy shrine. She funded the construction of ghats such as Babughat (in memory of her husband), Ahiritola Ghat and Nimtala Ghat for the daily bathers in the Ganges. Rashmoni continued donating money for the construction of ghats on the Hooghly. Rashmoni constructed and renovated nine ghats after the passing of her husband, which added significantly to her popular appeal. To the then Imperial Library (now the National Library of India) and Hindu College (now Presidency University), Rashmoni donated large sums of money. 

Rashmoni also helped transform the lives of misguided youth and gave them a fresh lease of life. Prince Dwarkanath Tagore had mortgaged a part of his Zamindari in now South 24 Parganas (part of present-day Santoshpur and adjoining areas) to Rashmoni for his passage to England. This part of land which was then a part of the Sunderbans was marshy and almost uninhabitable except for some families of thugs who found the area convenient to stay and venture out for plunders in far away places mounted on stilts. Rashmoni persuaded these families and helped them to build up fisheries in the surrounding water bodies that later turned into large, rich bheris. They gradually gave up their ‘profession’ of plundering and transformed into a community of fishermen.

Rani Rashmoni’s greatest achievement was probably the construction and establishment of the famous Dakshineswar Kali Temple in Kolkata. The turning point in Rashmoni’s life came in 1847 when, guided by a vision of the goddess Kali, she started the construction of the temple at Dakshineshwar, four miles north of Kolkata.

In 1855 an auspicious day was fixed for the installation of the deity at the temple. Since she was a shudra, Rani Rashmoni could not prevail upon any orthodox Brahmin to officiate as the priest for the auspicious ceremony. She consulted many renowned scholars, and one of them, Ramkumar Chattopadhyay, guided her out of the dilemma. She made a gift of the temple to her guru, a Brahmin, and provided funds for its maintenance by purchasing a big estate in Dinapur and endowing the temple with its income. Ramkumar Chattopadhyaya was appointed the priest of the temple, and after him his brother Gadadhar took over. Gadadhar was so thoroughly immersed in the contemplation of Kali that many people thought him mentally deranged. Rani Rashmoni was advised not to appoint him, yet with her intuition and insight she was convinced that his strange ways only showed the intensity of his religious fervour.

Once during the time of worship, Sri Ramakrishna sensed that her mind was engrossed in commercial matters and slapped her on the back. Outraged, the astonished people demanded that she dismiss and punish him. She silenced them by saying that the Divine Mother had illumined her heart through Sri Ramakrishna. A memorial shrine dedicated to her stands in the precincts of the Dakshineshwar Temple to this day.

In fond rememberance of Rashmoni and her humongous contributions to society,

1. An avenue in Esplanade, Kolkata is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Avenue, where her statue is also located.

2. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road near her ancestral house at Janbazar, Kolkata.

3. A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road at Dakshineshwar.

4. The Department of Post of Government of India issued a postage stamp to memorialize the bicentennial of Rani Rashmoni in 1993.

5. A Ferry Ghat known as Rani Rashmoni Ghat has been built for ferry services in Barrackpore, West Bengal and in Hooghly, West Bengal.

6. One of the 5 Fast Patrol Vessels of Indian Coast Guard has been named after Rani Rashmoni. It was commissioned in June 2018 and will be based in Visakhapatnam (indigenously built by Hindustan Shipyard).

Rani Rashmoni has also been subject of a biographical film in Bengali language, titled Rani Rasmani (film) (1955), directed by Kaliprasad Ghosh, and wherein lead played by famous theatre personality and actress Molina Devi. Zee Bangla features a daily soap depicting the life of the illustrious Rani, captioned Karunamoyee Rani Rashmoni which premiered on 24 July 2017 and is telecasted daily.

The undaunted flame of hope that Rani Rashmoni was, reached the abode of God on February 1862, aged 68. As a feminist, an activist, a philanthropist, Rashmoni continues to be a beacon of hope in a country where women still feel disadvantaged and have to face oppression in every phase of their lives. 

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By Muskan Rani

Achieving a position or being a first in any field would make anyone feel great, but no one sees the hardships faced to be the first.

Today we are talking about Joyita Mondal, a social changemaker, who broke all imposed norms of the society, by becoming India’s first transgender judge in India. Judge Mondal was born in a Hindu family in Kolkata,West Bengal.

She was biologically born with the body of a male, but growing up, she liked to dress like a girl. She had a hard time keeping this secret from everyone.

So she informed her parents that she has got a job in Dinajpur and left kolkata and moved to Siliguri in the year 2009.

In Dinajpur she started living her life the way she wanted to. She started wearing female clothes and started working as a hijra (eunuch) singing, dancing and so on.

On the other side she also started doing social work for the upliftment of her community. In the year of 2010 the National Election Commission added the category of ‘other’ in addition to male and female as gender identification to encourage transgender to register for voter cards.

Judge Mondal became first transgender to get voter card under category of “others” in Dinajpur. In the same year she started studying law.

She helped everyone who faced racial discrimination. Later she became founder of a NGO named “Dinajpur Notun Alo Society ” to help transgender of the same as well as different religions. At present the NGO is serving transgender community with more than 2000 transgender.

In the year of 2012, her NGO got a foreign project to provide legal aid to transgender community. Judge Mondal succeeded in giving legal aid to about 200 transgender. The work of her NGO and Judge Mondal was appreciated by the government. Later in 2015, Dinajpur Notun Alo Society built an old-age shelter house and helped many transgenders to make their Voter IDs.

In the year of 2017 the sub-divisional legal services committee of Islampur, Uttar Dinajpur district in West Bengal appointed her as a Judge.

Now she is serving as a judge but she never left her fight for Transgender community. She says “A handful of us becoming judges, principals won’t bring a change as long as transgenders are working as sex-workers and begging in trains. Individual successes mean nothing. Even if they don’t have much qualification, they can at least be appointed as Group D staff where physical labour is involved. I have not come from Kolkata to Uttar Dinajpur just for my fight. I cannot ignore my community because of whom I have reached this position. I would request the government to first start government jobs for transgenders so that our community gets dignified work. I consider work of coolies, peons or other Group D work as dignified”

Her journey of becoming India’s first transgender judge was not easy but she never gave up. She kept on working for her rights and also for her community. She is a person, we should all br so proud of.

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राजेश ओ. पी. सिंह 


कोरोना की दूसरी खतरनाक लहर में संपन्न हुए पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता बनर्जी की तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने बाजी मार ली है और 2011 के बाद से लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सत्ता पर काबिज होने में सफल हुई है। हालांकि तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 2019 लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी हार का सामना किया था , तब से ( मई,2019) लेकर मई,2021 तक ममता बनर्जी और उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर ने जबरदस्त और कुशल मेहनत करते हुए मतदाता को भरोसा दिलाया कि ममता ही बंगाल के मुख्यमंत्री पद के लिए सर्वश्रेष्ठ विकल्प है और इसी भरोसे के सहारे वो इस चुनाव में जबरदस्त वापसी करने में सफल हुए ।
पश्चिम बंगाल में 1977 से 2011 तक लगातार 34 वर्षो तक लेफ्ट ने शासन किया, 2011 में जब तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने पहली बार विधानसभा चुनाव जीता और  सत्ता पर काबिज हुई तो इस जीत की भूमिका कई वर्षों पूर्व में बनना शुरू हुई थी, सर्वप्रथम वर्ष 2008 में पश्चिम बंगाल में संपन्न हुए पंचायत चुनावों में तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने जीत दर्ज की, उसके बाद 2009 में हुए लोकसभा चुनावों में भी तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने लेफ्ट को भारी पराजय का सामना करवाया और अंततः 2011 विधानसभा चुनावों में लेफ्ट को सत्ता से बाहर कर दिया, और बिल्कुल इसी पैटर्न पर भाजपा चल रही थी 2008 व 2009  की तरह 2018 के पंचायत व 2019 के लोकसभा चुनावों में भारी जीत हासिल करने में कामयाब रही थी और इसी आधार पर कुछ राजनीतिक व चुनावी विश्लेषकों का मानना था कि बंगाल 2011 के इतिहास को दोहराएगा और भाजपा  तृणमूल कांग्रेस को सत्ता से बाहर कर पाने में सफल हो पाएगी, परन्तु ममता की कड़ी मेहनत ने इसे होने नहीं दिया, भाजपा व अन्य चुनावी राजनीतिक विश्लेषकों को जिन्हें लगता था कि पंचायत और लोकसभा चुनाव जीतने के बाद भाजपा विधानसभा चुनाव भी जीतने में सफल हो पाएगी, वो सब ग़लत साबित हुए हैं।
ममता बनर्जी की जीत में उनके चुनावी सलाहकार प्रशांत किशोर की सबसे अहम भूमिका रही है, उन्होंने न केवल ममता को चुनाव जीतने में सहयोग किया है बल्कि चुनाव से  पांच महीने पहले कही बात कि भाजपा दो डिजिट पार नहीं करेगी , को भी सच साबित किया है, यहां प्रशांत के लिए दोहरी चुनौती थी, परन्तु वो इस चुनौती को भेद पाने में कामयाब रहे है। प्रशांत किशोर के अलावा भी कुछ महत्वपूर्ण बिंदु ऐसे है जिन्होंने ममता के चुनाव जीतने में अहम भूमिका निभाई है , उनका जिक्र इस प्रकार है –
मजबूत नेतृत्व और साफ छवि – ममता हमेशा से जुझारू व मजबूत नेता रही है, इस चुनाव में भी उन्होंने व्हील चेयर पर होने के बावजूद सक्रिय भूमिका निभाई और हर जगह संघर्ष करते हुए नजर आई। इसके आलावा उनकी साफ छवि ने भी मतदाताओं को उनकी तरफ आकर्षित किया है, क्योंकि ममता सरकार में भ्रष्टाचार के सारे आरोप उनके मंत्रियों या विधायको के सिर पर रहें है और ऐसे लगभग सभी खराब और नकारत्मक छवि वाले लोगों को या तो पार्टी से बाहर का रास्ता दिखा दिया या फिर वो खुद पार्टी छोड़ कर चले गए । उनके जाने के बाद तृणमूल कांग्रेस एक बार फिर साफ सुथरी हो गई और ममता की साफ छवि का आकर्षण मतदाताओं को अपनी तरफ खींच पाने में सफल हुआ।
महिला नेतृत्व होने की वजह से महिलाओं के वोट को तृणमूल कांग्रेस अपनी तरफ कर पाने में सफल रही है, क्यूंकि दूसरी विरोधी पार्टी के पास महिला नेतृत्व का अभाव था ।
सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच – लोकसभा चुनावों के तुरंत बाद से लेकर पिछले दो वर्षो में ममता सरकार ने लगातार अनेक कार्यक्रम चलाए जिनसे सरकारी योजनाओं की आम जन तक पहुंच को सुनिश्चित किया जा सका, इनमें सबसे प्रमुख था ” ममता के बोलो ”  इसमें एक फोन नंबर दिया गया और कोई भी व्यक्ति अपनी बात सीधा ममता को बता सकता था और हर व्यक्ति की बात को ममता की टीम द्वारा सुना गया और आम जन की हर समस्या को दूर करने का पूर्ण प्रयास किया, इसका मतदाताओं पर बहुत साकारात्मक प्रभाव पड़ा ।
बाहरी व अंदरूनी का प्रभाव – ममता ने इसको मुद्दा बनाया और बंगाली लोगों को ये समझा पाने में कामयाब रही कि मैं आपकी आपनी हूं और भाजपा वाले बाहरी है, इसलिए आप अपनों के लिए मतदान करें ना की बाहरी के लिए। इस सिलसिले में ममता की पार्टी ने कई नारे जैसे बंगाल की बेटी, बंगाल का सम्मान , बंगाली बनाम गैर बंगाली आदि, जिनका ममता बनर्जी को पूरा फायदा मिला है।
सोशल इंजीनियरिंग – तृणमूल कांग्रेस लोकसभा चुनावों में जिन क्षेत्रों में हारी थी, बात चाहे जंगल महल क्षेत्र की करें या कूचबिहार की, वहां पर अनुसूचित जाति और अनुसूचित जनजाति के मतदाता ज्यादा संख्या में हैं । इसलिए विधानसभा चुनावों में ममता ने इन जातियों का खास ख्याल रखा, इसका अंदाजा इस बात से लगाया जा सकता है कि बंगाल में 68 सीटें अनुसूचित जाति के लिए आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस ने 79 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जाति के लोगों को चुनाव लड़वाया ,वहीं अनुसूचित जनजाति की 16 सीटें आरक्षित है परन्तु तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ से 17 सीटों पर अनुसूचित जनजाति के लोग चुनाव लड़ रहे हैं।दूसरा उत्तरी बंगाल में ( कूचबिहार, दार्जलिंग आदि क्षेत्र) एक महत्वपूर्ण अनुसूचित जाति है ‘ राजवंशी ‘ उन्हें ये आश्वाशन दिया गया कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस की सरकार बनने पर उनके मुख्य देवता के जन्मदिन पर प्रदेश में सरकारी अवकाश घोषित किया जाएगा,उनकी भाषा को सरकारी स्कूलों में पढ़ाया जाएगा, उनकी जाति के नाम से एक नई पुलिस फोर्स बनाई जाएगी ,आदि आश्वासनों ने भी इस समुदाय जो की लोकसभा चुनावों में भाजपा के पक्ष में गया था को वापिस तृणमूल कांग्रेस की तरफ लाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है। ममता ने अनुसूचित जातियों को फिर से विश्वास दिलवाया की वो ही उनकी सच्ची हितेषी है और अपने पक्ष में मतदान करवाने में सफल हो पाई।
तृणमूल कांग्रेस ध्रुवीकरण की राजनीति से दूर रही और  पूरे चुनावों के दौरान उसने समग्र मतदाताओं पर ध्यान दिया, ममता ने हिन्दू – मुस्लिम, छोटे लोग – भद्र लोग , शहरी – ग्रामीण आदि कोई अंतर नहीं किया और सभी वर्गों पर पूरा ध्यान दिया जिसका फायदा ममता की पार्टी को मिला, क्यूंकि इस से हर समुदाय का कुछ ना कुछ वोट ममता के पक्ष में आया, वहीं दूसरी तरफ भाजपा मुस्लिम जो कि प्रदेश में 30 प्रतिशत के आसपास है को पार्टी से अलग थलग रखा, और केवल 70 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं के सहारे चुनाव लड़ रही थी वहीं दूसरी तरफ तृणमूल कांग्रेस का ध्यान पूरे 100 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं पर था, और इसी का नतीजा है कि तृणमूल कांग्रेस लगातार तीसरी बार प्रदेश में सरकार बनाने में सफल हो पाई है।
भाजपा बनाम भाजपा का फायदा भी ममता को मिला है, क्यूंकि भाजपा ने तृणमूल कांग्रेस छोड़ कर गए लोगों को पार्टी में अहम स्थान दिए और उन्हे चुनाव भी लड़वाए, इस से भाजपा का पुराना मतदाता नाराज़ हुआ क्यूंकि उस क्षेत्र में उनकी लड़ाई उसी व्यक्ति से थी परन्तु अब वो व्यक्ति भाजपा का उम्मीदवार हो गया था , जैसे बहुत से स्थानों पर मतदाताओं ने साफ साफ बोला कि वो तृणमूल कांग्रेस के इसी नेता के खिलाफ थे उनकी लड़ाई इसी के खिलाफ थी परन्तु अब वो भाजपा में आ गया है तो हम कैसे उसे वोट दे, हमारी लड़ाई आज भी उसी के खिलाफ है, इस प्रकार ऐसे लोगों ने भाजपा से नाराज होकर ममता के पक्ष में मतदान किया है।
और भी अन्य कई कारण है जिनकी सहायता से ममता चुनाव जीतने में सफल हो पाईं है इनमें सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है उनका साधारण व्यक्तित्व, उनकी कड़ी मेहनत करने की लालसा आदि।

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By Rohini Sen

The second phase of the West Bengal Assembly elections concluded amidst BJP’s raging (and tone deaf) rhetoric of Hindutva and development. And in the middle of all this, stands the brutally caricatured figure of Mamata Banerjee, the CM. In popular imagination she is either “didi”, the omnipotent, loud mouth leader of TMC or, she is emblematic of all that is wrong with contemporary political vision in a state that just does not seem to fit anywhere with its peculiar nostalgic, baggage.

What is common to both is the complete flattening of the image of a woman who is desperately trying to hold on to her power in the overarching male political idiom of a country. This is not a vindication of her actions, the massive failures and deep dysfunctions of the party. But in portraying her as one or the other, there is a constant tendency to invisibilise what she is really up against.

How bhawdro (decent) or obhawdro (indecent) she is seems to far outweigh the rank communalism of BJP, the horrible psychic contortion that every female politician has to undergo to simply hold ground and, how all vulgar political pronouncements by literally any man is simply “a part of the system.”

Not hers though. Her scattered English and public stunts at visibility are mostly hashir khorak (object of ridicule). Again, this is not a vindication of violence or misbehaviour. But reducing her to hysterics, parody and caricature takes away attention from significant things.

The fact that the Prime Minister and Home Minister of the ruling central party are using all their might in a desperate effort to win one single state. That not once has the conversation been on issues, even the low hanging fruits, that ail Bengal.

But most importantly, that we always see female politicians with the standards given to us by our grandfathers, uncles and other male figure who decide the limits of public spaces.

The collective will of BJP has condensed on decimating its opponents through a rhetoric of ridicule. And there are innumerable bad things happening in this election. But, a harangued woman desperately trying to save her political capital is not the worst of them.

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