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women empowerment

By Ritika Khatri

Food has a magical effect on people. When we are having a terrible day, a good day, or celebrating, it has the power to change moods and make things better. It’s an important part of our life, from festive meals to simple soothing meals on bad days. Yet, in our country, individual or community food choices are frequently morally policed. Food has the capability to both unite and divide people across culture and societies. And this duality of food­ is a reflection of our societal complexity.

Besides, food, a fundamental human necessity, has become contentious and politicized topics in our society. The degree of controversy has reached to the point that people are facing violence and lynching over their food choices. This acute reaction to individual food penchants is revealing the deep-seated social conditioning and larger socio-political backdrop that rules/shape our behaviour.

Even in urban settings, people encounter the widespread and inescapable stigma associated with non-vegetarian food. While renting a home or room, landlords frequently question about dietary preferences, with many specially barring non-vegetarian foods. In areas such as Kamla Nagar (nearby Delhi University’s North campus), it is common to find PGs (paying guest accommodations) that strictly prohibit non-veg on the premises. This form of dietary discrimination is based not only food preferences but also has connotations related to smells associated with non-veg food. Vegetarians often stigmatize the smell of non-veg dishes, associating them with impurity and pollution.

While conducting fieldwork in Punjab and Haryana, I encountered Pummy (name changed), a working woman from Sangrur, Punjab. During our conversation she shared her experience which showed how cultural, familial and societal expectations influence and constrain our food choices. This article explores the intricate relationship between food preferences, the stigma attached to non-vegetarianism, and how caste, class and gender intersect to shape these narratives.

Caste, Gender and Dietary Prejudices

My fieldwork in two villages of Punjab and Haryana in 2022-23 involved interactions with women from diverse age groups and castes. A striking pattern emerged: while most women and their daughters refrained from eating non-veg, their sons were permitted to do so outside the home. When questioned, the justification was often that sons needed more protein for physical development and sports activities. Daughters, on the other hand, were expected to conform to stay vegetarian foods. Reason, because daughters will get marry one day and will go to stay her future in-law’s house. This perpetuates a cycle of dietary control and gender-based discrimination.

In another incident, an upper caste woman campaigning for panchayat elections recounted feeling nauseous upon entering a Dalit household, attributing the smell to their consumption of pork. Ironically, she herself consumed chicken but looked upon those who ate pork. This attitude is deeply rooted in the notions of purity and pollution associated with caste. Many people I spoke to during my fieldwork believed that non-vegetarians emit a distinct, unpleasant odour, further entrenching caste-based prejudices.

Societal expectation and familial pressure

Pummy was a lively and friendly woman. During a ride to my fieldwork area, our conversation naturally turned towards food. To my surprise, Pummy hesitantly shared her love for butter chicken, a preference she had to keep hidden from her husband and in-laws. Even though she is a working woman, she finds herself unable to openly discuss her non-vegetarianism with her family, who were strict vegetarians. Societal expectation and familial pressure prevent her to openly share it her family. This situation reflects a common predicament among many women in similar cultural contexts.

Pummy additionally shared a funny yet insightful incident from a relatives wedding. During the pre-wedding rituals, an elderly vegetarian woman accidently ate a non-vegetarian dish, mistaking it for potato curry. When she realized she’d erred, she joked that if she had known how delicious non-veg food was, she would have started eating it long ago. Nevertheless, other relatives took a sigh of relief, as they were panicking that the older women could make scene at the wedding. This incident highlights the rigid norms and occasional, unintentional breaches have the protentional to sour up and tense the situations.

Reflecting on Personal Biases

Reflecting on my own experience, I realized that I, too, had unconsciously contributed to the problem. Growing up in a strict vegetarian household, where even onions and garlic were eschewed, I remember an instance from school when a girl brought an omelette for lunch. The silent gossip and social exclusion she faced from her peers, including myself, mirrored the societal conditioning we had all received at home. Such early experience shape individuals’ attitude towards food and perpetuate a cycle of judgment and exclusion.

‘There’s nothing more political than food’

An American Chef, Anthony Bourdain, shared his thoughts about food in a different context, but it seems plausible to share here. He said, “There is nothing more political than food. Food is reflection, maybe the most direct and obvious reflection of who we are, where we came from, what we love, who eats in the country, who does. The things that we eat are the direct reflection of our histories. The ingredients, whether they are dried or pickled or preserved, these are reflections of often long, very painful histories”. It is imperative for us as a society to recognize the diverse food habits that exists. With empathy and understanding, we can begin to dismantle the discriminatory practices that have long been entrenched in our social-cultural fabric. We need to work towards a society where food, instead of dividing us, becomes a means to celebrate our diversity.

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By a ‘Common Woman’

(Warning: Sensitive Content)

As yet another body is discovered drenched in blood, the society pleads with me to consider, “What if she was your sister or mother”? Her virtues are listed, her values enshrined. Her very person-hood, cruelly dismissed in life, is placed on an unimpeachable pedestal in death. She is hailed as the embodiment of pristine femininity while simultaneously detached from their own reality. A week later, she transitions into a cold statistic. It is quickly forgotten that she was a real woman who led a real life which happened to include a real trauma. And so am I.

I am a sister. I am a daughter. And I was repeatedly violated. Not by strange men in questionable alleys and darkened pathways. But in familiar surroundings by trusted men as sun rays kissed their treacherous backs. There was no media trial as I hugged myself on the floor. No protests as I struggled to make sense of it, numb for days. Perhaps it was because I couldn’t come forward against people so intrinsically connected with my life. Or maybe, just maybe because my horror was not detachable from people’s lives. My perpetrators could not be othered. They were mine.

They held my hand and taught me to walk, clapping in encouragement. They cradled me on their lap and lifted me up in the air as I squealed with joy. And when I grew older, took me on drives and twirled me around and tore through the tissue membrane that the world insisted was my responsibility to protect. Should I have worn different clothes when I couldn’t even dress myself? Should I have carried pepper spray while I clutched the nursery rhymes? Or did I err with the phone I carried when they took attendance? None of the carefully construed rules of society apply when you take the crime off the streets and between your very own sheets. So, I made my own.

We all witnessed the aftermath of a death this month. But what happens if the person survives? After the furore dies down? When society brushes off its thirst for vengeance with punishment for the culprit? Some tend to the scars permanently etched on their skins, some are shunned, shamed into exile, or even urged to marry their violators. However, most are compelled to pick the broken pieces of their hearts and minds together and move on with their lives. Are they victims or survivors? They are both. I was both.

They soar high and get pulled down by the memories. They laugh uncontrollably every day and fall on their knees every night, with their hands holding their mouths tightly to prevent the escape of a desperate sob. Like I did.

I had sex, a lot of it. Until I learned to enjoy it, crave it even. Giving in to my own pleasure took longer but I refused to associate my vagina with searing pain and loss of agency. I studied, excelled, I also failed, and downright collapsed with the ever-increasing burden of mounting trauma. I walked alone, traveled alone, far less afraid of the unknown than I ever was of my chilling known. But the strong gravitational pull of defeat constantly threatened to envelop me. I relished gourmet delicacies and binged sitcom after sitcom, cocooned in the mirage of an incredulous fantasy. One where my spirit did not lay in tatters, straining to piece itself together amidst the cacophony of recorded mirth. I nearly welcomed the sheer relief of death after shrouding each day in utter misery. But I continue to live. As do countless others.

Look around you. She IS your sister, your daughter. But she is so much more than that. She is a person. And she is in pain. The possibility of an assured hanging would make her far too scared to speak up. A task force cannot protect her in your home. You may not be the man who relishes that level of repulsive control but next to you is probably a woman whose right to speak for herself, choose for herself, whose right over her own body was ruthlessly snatched away by a formerly comforting presence. The woman in the newspaper has gone through an unimaginable ordeal. But she is also an exception. The woman next to you? She is the rule.

A rule that cages 97% of us in the confines of our homes, hostels, hotels, and rehabilitation centers- places that become the scene of crimes that are never taped off, inhabited by people who are never brought to justice. There are no candle-lit marches for us, no cautionary tales. There is no place for us, not even in statistics. So march for the 3% unfortunately sensationalised, discuss and debate over them. Make them safe. At least make someone feel safe. But don’t forget the rest of us living next to you, across from you, in your own homes. I am the rule.

The hardened penis that thrust inside me felt like what I imagined the long pole would, right down my street. I pictured the lightbulb on it flickering on and off as I tried to block out my then ongoing torment. I remember the yellow stain on the flowery bedsheet every time I put on my now clean ones. My fingers stiffen at the thought of touching myself but my vibrator never shies away from an exalting climax. Would you blame my later promiscuity for my former agony? Would you still ask me to heed my clothing? To not hail a cab? Don’t go outside after 6 PM. Don’t stay inside once you are born. Why was I allowed to be born? It was on me.

I may go out or stay in, drink or stay sober, have sex, or stay away from men, nothing can change my lived nightmare. My dream on the other hand is to yank that pole out, implant it firmly in the ground, straddle it between my thighs, and spin around it with carefree abandon.

#thecommonwomen #yourstories

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By Lauren Prem

Budgets are not just about numbers—they are about who we are and what we value.”– Tammy Baldwin

Imagine a budget which transcends numerical values, adding real value to its people and making lives easier! Indians eagerly await the financial budget release day to know how funds have been allocated to different avenues of their life and how much tax they have to pay. The 2024 financial budget, presented on 23 July 2024, promises to add real value to the lives of four primary groups – the poor, the youth, farmers and women. Women comprising almost half the population have been promised numerous benefits under this budget to bridge the gap towards gender equality. So let’s explore what’s in this year’s budget for women?

The finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced three lakh crore rupees to be allocated for the betterment of women, especially for the benefit of women-centric schemes. Besides, hostels and creches have also been promised to be set up in collaboration with job industries to ensure more participation of women in workplace. An additional amount of thousand crore rupees has been allocated to the Ministry of Women and Child development. Considerable finance has also been allocated to central government women development schemes – the Poshan (nutrition scheme), Saksham Anganwadi (again, nutrition scheme for children) and other small initiatives – Nirbhaya scheme (safety and security of women) and CARA (for adoption initiatives).

Stamp duty has been promised to be reduced for the properties purchased by women in order to promote female ownership. This measure aims to break the shackles of traditional ownership notions associated with men which led to accumulation of properties in the hands of men over a period of time.

Akin to reservation benefits which intends to rectify historical injustices, this concession measure has been introduced with the object of upholding property rights of women – a goal which is far-fetched even after women have been legally given equal share in their parents property. The challenge lies in its implementation due to failure of women to claim their rightful share, lest they attract the ire of their family members, especially brothers. Due to this, additional benefits become imperative to achieve equality in a wholistic sense – equity.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provides budgeting guidelines embodying the concept of equity, in addition to considering equality in a formal sense. Article 3 of the CEDAW guidelines emphasizes on the aspect of non-identical treatment and special measures in certain cases to achieve equality in a substantive sense. The budgetary measures for this year clearly provide special benefits for women in respects of ownership and employment.

However, there remains a crucial question – how far do these benefits actually serve the purpose for which they were introduced?

Reducing stamp duties, setting up hostels and allocation of funds are indeed beneficial measures. Allocation of finance towards enforcing these measures is the first step towards the larger goal of equity. Yet, they are formulated with a short-sighted view, thereby failing to see the bigger picture of the path towards women empowerment. The root cause of the problem relating to male-domination in property holdings must be addressed.

Inability to acquire finance is the main challenge preventing women from holding property at par with men. A study reported by UN Women Organization shows that there is a gender gap in the ownership of bank accounts by 6% in developing countries. For example, if 70% men own bank accounts, only 64% women do. Similarly, there are several studies which prove that women are discriminated by financial institutions, which pose a difficulty for them in accessing funds for purchasing property. Stamp duty – a tax on property, undoubtedly is beneficial but fails to address the real concern that holds back women from becoming owners.

Needless to mention, India is plagued with different stereotypes and biases that hold back women from displaying independence and self-sufficiency. Education is the only panacea to these issues.

While the budget certainly focuses on holistic women development by allocating funds to enhance nutrition, health, safety and education, implementation remains a hurdle towards realizing the goals envisaged by the budget. For instance, implementation goals of the Nirbhaya scheme have not been properly met due to uneven distribution of funds among different states. An article in the Times of India reports that only 70% of the funds allocated to the Nirbhaya scheme had been utilized as of last year – 2023.

The issues regarding the existing schemes predominantly relate to implementation and under-utilization of funds rather than lack of funds per se. Above-mentioned figures indicate that there is still scope to utilize the existing funds in a better manner by ensuring proper distribution and planning. While increasing funding for important schemes is a positive step, the purpose for allocation of funds would not be met if the core issue is not addressed properly.

Similarly, the core issues for lesser female workforce as compared to males, is due to lack of education, dropping out and performing unpaid work. The reason for women performing unpaid labor can be traced back to stereotypes and gender roles attributed to them. Lack of a place to stay is not among the top priority of concerns. While setting up hostels is a useful measure, the issue of inequality and lesser participation of women will continue to linger in the Indian society if the core issues are left unaddressed.

The budget provides a wide-range of benefits for women to ensure their development in different aspects of life. However, the allocation of funds is based on an approach which fails to correctly trace the issues leading to inequality. As Baldwin’s quote rightly reads “budgets are about what we value.” Although the 2024 budget clearly shows that it values minority groups – women and children, it fails to allocate funds based on an approach that accurately identifies the areas which require funding. Significant deliberation is required to correctly locate the issues that have ultimately led to the bigger issues of lesser employment and property holding.

The government also needs to bear in mind, the implementation factor while allocating funds so that sufficient funds are also kept side to tackle the challenges that come in the way of effective implementation.

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By Lauren Prem

Women in India, like in most developing countries across the world, have suffered long-standing oppression to the point where taglines such as “striving for gender equality”, “women empowerment” and “women rights” are so popular and basic for any write-up title. In search of a unique and catchy title, I opened ChatGPT to send a prompt – “write an empowering and catchy quote on women who have discriminatory personal laws in India” and received the following response:

“Women are not just subjects of personal laws; they are champions of change, fighting for justice and equality in every corner of India.”

I was pleasantly shocked to see the response especially because it reflected the current scenario of Muslim women in India that resulted in a Supreme Court verdict reiterating the maintenance rights of Muslim women under section 125 of the CrPC in Mohd. Abdul Samad v. State of Telangana [2024 SCC OnLine SC 1686] as already held in the famous Shah Bano case [Mohammed Ahmed Khan v Shah Bano Begum, 1985 (2) SCC 556].

A petition for appeal, before the Supreme Court, was moved by the husband on grounds that a woman cannot avail maintenance benefits under section 125 of the CrPC in the presence of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 (hereinafter referred to as ‘the 1986 act’), which is a specific law. The contention is premised on the well-established rule of interpretation that a specific law will prevail over a general law on the same matter, in case of any conflict as regards which law will apply.

The court, on 10th July 2024, passed a verdict stating that a Muslim woman can avail maintenance benefits under section 125 of the CrPC despite there being a specific law. The court recognised that the 1986 act provided for maintenance only till the iddat period, which ran contrary to the jurisprudence behind maintenance. The purpose of maintenance is to equip women to lead a dignified life even after the cessation of her marriage and the 1986 act does not solve the purpose as it fails to provide for adequate maintenance, despite the objective of the act grounded in ensuring access to justice. The court, in this case, went beyond mere application of the 1986 act and considered foundational jurisprudential concepts like justice and equity.

Our legal history has repeatedly shown us that landmark judgements are not an outcome of mere interpretation of the law. Rather, they are a result of meticulous interpretation of judges who bear ‘justice’ in their hearts and minds, not just the legal provisions. The basic structure doctrine that forms the very basis of present-day adjudication, would not have existed today, had the judiciary stayed aloof of judicial activism or anything beyond strictly interpreting the law.

The doctrine exists solely because judges feared that the constitution would be misused in the absence of a strong framework to determine constitutionality of a particular legislation. In simple terms, they had justice in their hearts and minds, in addition to possessing knowledge of the law.

The present judgement is also one that reflects a justice-oriented approach, not merely in the outcome but through its words. The court stressed upon the aspect of adequacy and sufficiency of maintenance in answering the legal question of which law would apply to Muslim women. Had the court taken a formalistic approach (restricted to interpretation of the law alone), it would have rendered the 1986 act applicable, thereby providing no opportunity to Muslim women to opt for the CrPC provision.

In addition, the CrPC provision has also undergone an amendment in the year 2001 [by Section 2(i)(a), act no. 50] to delete the words “not exceeding 500 rupees in the whole”, thereby eliminating any kind of upper cap on the amount of maintenance. The court highlights the aspect of how this new amendment being passed subsequent to the the 1986 act, renders the latter legislation insignificant. The approach of the court in this regard also revolves around the question of which law would benefit women better, rather than delving into the technicalities of applying each law as every ordinary judge would do so.

As Huey Newton said “Laws should be made to serve the people. People should not be made to serve the laws.” This moral principle is prominent in the context of deciding which law would apply to a particular scenario or class of persons. The court abided by this principle by opening opportunities for Muslim women to choose the CrPC provision, rather than making them subjects of the 1986 act.

The court has been particular in ensuring that no decision is taken so as to deprive women of enjoying the rights guaranteed under our constitution. This cardinal principle of not holding back or non-retrogression has been evolved through many judgements and established as a definite rule. This principle has been followed through a purposive interpretation which holds that the nature of the 1986 act is akin to a social legislation and welfare lies at its heart.

This decision also ensures that undue financial burden is not placed on the husband as section 127(3)(b) of the CrPC deals with a situation where maintenance has already been paid through customary or personal law. The provision bestows power upon the magistrate to cancel orders made under section 125 of the CrPC, in situations where maintenance is already paid. In essence, the court has merely opened the possibility of opting for a comparatively higher welfare provision and has not in any way prompted double payment of maintenance by the husband. The judicial intent is rooted solely in upholding the interests of women, as article 15(3) aims to do.

The judiciary has succeeded in meeting people’s expectations through a purposive interpretation that looks beyond the letters of the law and goes on to honour the spirit of law. Further, it has proven that women are not subjects of personal laws. With increasing access to education, women have proven to be champions of change striving for equality in every nook and corner of India and the judiciary has facilitated the same by setting a good precedent.

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By राजेश ओ.पी. सिंह

विश्व में महिला पत्रकारिता का अध्याय सर्वप्रथम 1831 में अमेरिका से आरंभ हुआ, जब एनी न्यूपार्ट रॉयल ने “प्राल पाई” नामक पत्र प्रकाशित करना शुरू किया I इसके बाद इन्होंने ‘हंटर’ के नाम से एक और पत्र निकाला। इसी प्रकार भारत में मोक्षदायिनी देवी ने वर्ष 1848 में “बांग्ला महिला” नामक पत्र प्रकाशित करना शुरू किया, जो किसी भारतीय महिला द्वारा प्रकाशित होने वाला प्रथम पत्र था। 1857 में चेनम्मा तुमरी ने बेलगांव से कन्नड़ भाषा में “शालामठ” पत्रिका निकाली, इसी दौर में उर्दू भाषा में आसिफ जहां ने “हैदराबाद गजट” और हिंदी में श्रोमिया पूर्णा देवी ने “अबला हितकारक” प्रकाशित किया। इनके अलावा आजादी से पूर्व भारत में उषा मेहता, शांता कुमारी, उर्मिला, मीरा दत्त, फातिमा बेगम, सायरा बेगम आदि महिलाओं ने पत्रकारिता के क्षेत्र में बढ़ चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया और अपना लोहा मनवाया। 

परंतु फिर भी आधी आबादी होने के नाते इस क्षेत्र में महिलाओं की ये संख्या बहुत कम थी, जिसके पीछे पितृस्ततमक सोच और पिछड़ापन सबसे मुख्य कारण थे।

आजादी के बाद एक आशा थी कि आजाद भारत में पत्रकारिता के क्षेत्र में महिलाओं को उनकी संख्या के बराबर भागीदारी मिलेगी, परंतु न केवल भारत ही बल्कि विश्व के लगभग देशों में भी ये संभव नहीं हो पाया। कहने को तो मीडिया संस्थानों और न्यूजरूम में महिलाओं की संख्या में वृद्धि हुई है परंतु असल सच्चाई इसके विपरित है।

भारतीय मीडिया में लैंगिक असमानता दर्शाने और महिलाओं के प्रतिनिधित्व की स्थिति जानने के लिए वर्ष 2014 में मीडिया स्टडीज ग्रुप द्वारा वरिष्ठ पत्रकार अनिल चामडिया के निर्देशन में किए गए सर्वे से सामने आया कि मीडिया में महिलाओं का औसत प्रतिनिधित्व 2.7 फीसदी है और इसमें भी छह राज्य (असम,झारखंड,नागालैंड,मणिपुर,अरुणाचल प्रदेश और ओडिशा) व दो केंद्र शासित प्रदेश (पुद्दुचेरी और दमन एंड दीव) जहां जिला स्तर पर महिला पत्रकारों का औसत शून्य है।

इसी प्रकार अगस्त 2019 में न्यूजलॉन्ड्री ने यूनाइटेड नेशंस वूमेन के साथ मिल कर “भारतीय मीडिया में लैंगिक असमानता रिपोर्ट” प्रकाशित की। जिसमे पाया गया कि किसी भी न्यूजरूम के टॉप 100 नेतृत्व वाले पदों पर केवल 15 महिलाएं हैं। अखबारों में केवल 5 फीसदी, मैगजीन में 14 फीसदी, डिजिटल पोर्टल पर 27 फीसदी पदों पर ही महिलाओं के पास नेतृत्व की शक्ति प्राप्त है। दूसरी तरफ अंग्रेजी अखबारों में छपने वाले प्रत्येक 4 लेखों में से केवल एक ही किसी महिला द्वारा लिखा जाता है वहीं हिंदी अखबारों में ये स्थिति केवल 17 फीसदी है। 

इस सबके अलावा बहुतेरे विषयों में भी लिंग भेद है जैसे सुरक्षा, स्पोर्ट्स, चुनाव आदि विषयों पर केवल पुरुषों द्वारा लिखा और पढ़ा ही स्वीकृत किया जाता है, यहां महिलाओं के विचारों को कोई तवज्जो नहीं दी जाती। मीडिया में कई चुनौतियां केवल इसलिए है क्योंकि वे महिलाएं हैं।

बहरहाल आजकल महिलाओं के रूप का प्रयोग मीडिया के दृश्य – श्रव्य माध्यमों में दिनों दिन ज्यादा होता जा रहा है, यह प्रयोग महिलाओं के प्रति आदर या सम्मान के भाव से किए जाने के बजाए ज्यादातर उन्हें प्रदर्शन की वस्तु बनाकर किया जा रहा है। खेलों में कमेंट्री व प्रोमोज में महिलाओं के ग्लैमर का उपयोग खेलों के प्रति आकर्षण बढ़ाने के लिए किया जा रहा है। चर्चित स्टिंग ऑपरेशन “दुर्योधन” के दौरान भी सांसदों को टैप करने के लिए महिलाओं का प्रयोग किया गया। कास्टिंग काउच को उभारने के लिए भी महिला मीडिया कर्मी को ही शिकार बनाकर पेश किया जाता है।

भारतीय मीडिया जिस गति से फल फूल रहा है इसमें एक आशा पनपी थी कि मीडिया के बढ़ते आकार से महिलाओं की स्थिति में सुधार आएगा और मीडिया में महिलाएं भी पुरुषों के बराबर संख्या में नजर आने लगेंगी, परंतु इस दौर में महिलाएं मनोरंजन का साधन तो बनी किंतु पुरुषों के बराबर न आ पाई जो इक्का दुक्का महिला इस क्षेत्र में है उन पर मोटा मेकअप और पश्चिमी परिधान जैसी कुछ शर्तें भी लाद दी गई हैं और अपने आप ये धारणा बना ली कि लोग उन्हें इसी भेषभूषा और स्टाइल में पसंद करेंगे।

इसी प्रकार पत्रकारिता के शीर्ष पदों पर महिलाओं के न होने से महिलाओं संबंधी मुद्दों पर भी ध्यान नहीं दिया जाता, हम देखते हैं कि भ्रूण हत्या जैसे अनेकों मुद्दे स्त्री अस्तित्व से जुड़े हुए विशेष मुद्दे है पंरतु लिखित, दृश्य, श्रव्य आदि प्रत्येक प्रकार के मीडिया से ये मुद्दे गायब हैं।

प्रत्येक क्षेत्र में भेदभाव झेलती और अपना प्रतिनिधित्व तलाशती महिलाओं के समर्थन में यदि कभी कभार कोई आवाज बुलंद होती है तो पुरुष प्रधान समाज द्वारा उसे एक झटके में दबा दिया जाता है। और ये सच्चाई है कि जब तक महिलाओं को उचित प्रतिनिधित्व नहीं मिलेगा तब तक उनसे जुड़े मुद्दों और समस्याओं को मुखधारा की बहस में नही लाया जा सकेगा और जब तक महिलाओं संबंधी ये मुद्दे और समस्याएं मुख्यधारा की बहस में शामिल नहीं होंगे तब तक इनका समाधान किसी भी कीमत पर नहीं होगा। इसलिए महिलाओं संबंधी मुद्दों पर बोलने और लिखने के लिए महिलाओं को भी ज्यादा संख्या में आगे आना चाहिए ताकि मीडिया में महिलाओं की भागीदारी को बढ़ाया जा सके और आगामी पीढ़ी के लिए एक मजबूत आधार तैयार किया जा सके।

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By Gopika G Nair
(School Of Legal Studies CUSAT)

Domestic violence against women is not uncommon in Indian society. It affects a large number of women, and the majority of them are so used to it that they don’t even report it. Nonetheless, many people continue to be victims of domestic abuse. Domestic violence is a strategy of instilling fear and servility in a person in a domestic setting, such as a household. The motivation for this violence can range from the need to maintain an individual’s power structure over another to the desire to instill/coerce another for self-gratification. Domestic violence in India primarily refers to violence by close or biological relatives to a person; however, it mainly includes abuse perpetrated against women by male family members or cousins. Domestic violence has been defined by the Protection of women from domestic violence act 2005. Before the act, the cases governing the act were dealt with by section 498-A of the Indian Penal Code. According to the Domestic violence act, domestic violence means harming or harassing women in her household. The types of economic abuse can be of different forms like physical, verbal, sexual, and economic abuse.

Domestic violence is more than physical or psychological abuse. On a deeper level, it’s about how abusers often want to take complete control over their partners. Economic or financial abuse is an effective way to get control over somebody. If you are not an earning member of your family you don’t have any money or you owe lots of money that makes limits to your options and makes it more likely to do what your partner wants. Economic abuse can occur when the abuser wants to dictate or dominate. In terms of money, the abuser restricts the victim from using their financial resources and isolates her financially so that she is bound to rely upon the abuser for her survival Section 3 of the Domestic violence act 2005, describes the economic abuse.

Economic abuse is everywhere and it can hurt. People who have experienced economic abuse can end up owing thousands or even lakhs of rupees in debt and it can hurt the credit rating. And these days good credit can be important for getting good jobs and housing not just for getting loans. So financial abuse at times can become emotional abuse.

Economic abuse may take many forms:

  1. Coerced debt – This can happen when the credit abuser puts on non-consensual. This may include forcing the victim to sign financial documents, forcing the victim to get loans, use of physical force to make  credit-related transactions, refinancing a car mortgage or any property without the victim’s knowledge, applying for loans, credit cards, etc.,  in the name of the victim, etc., 
  2. Employment-related abuse – This can happen when the abuser prevents the victim from earning money. This may include situations like preventing the victim from attending the job, asking the victim to quit the job that she was doing, harassing the victim at work, preventing her from looking for jobs, etc.,
  3. Other forms of economic abuse can include the abuser preventing the victim from using certain funds like, using the victim’s ATM cards without her knowledge and preventing her from using the same, deciding how the victim must use the money in her account, etc.,

There are a lot of reasons why economic abuse occurs in India. These can be social, historical, behavioral aspects of the human being. There is no single reason for this abuse it’s a combination of all these aspects.

  • Patriarchy’s inherent wickedness and the male superiority attitude that has persisted for millennia can be traced back to many events n the history
  •  Religious divinity implies a covert, if not outright, dominion over women. As a result of this, domestic, economic violence against women has increased.
  • Dowry is a socio-cultural element. Nowadays there is an increase in the number of dowry-related domestic cases and dowry deaths being reported as a result of which it is given special provisions in the domestic violence act. This system of dowry shows that women can be brought by money as any other object in the market and it is this money that determines her value in society.
  • Economic abuse is also exacerbated by the failure to fulfill conjugal responsibilities as a result of extramarital affairs or a lack of trust. Many sociological, behavioral attitudes of the abuser due to stress or overdose of drugs, etc. can also be the reason for such trust issues which ultimately results in economic abuse
  • Lack of knowledge and a regressive mind can also result in economic abuse. The trashes of patriarchal practices still exist in the mind of many which make him feel that a man is to look after the house, women being his shadow. This triggers him to cause economic abuse.

Any woman who has been harmed or who has seen domestic violence can seek help from a police station, a protection officer, or a service provider under the Domestic Violence Act. To implement its instructions, the court may appoint a protection officer.  The protection officer is a unique position intended to serve as a link between domestic violence victims and the system.  Domestic Violence Act relief orders can also be obtained by filing a complaint directly with the magistrate. Anyone who informs the appropriate authorities about a crime has their civil and criminal liabilities waived. Within three days of filing the complaint, the court must schedule a hearing. If the court determines that the allegation is true, a protection order is issued . A complaint can also be made under Section 498-A of the Indian Penal Code, which recognizes and punishes matrimonial cruelty. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act of 2005, which went into effect in October 2006, is a promising piece of legislation that combines civil and criminal punishments to provide effective remedies to domestic violence victims. The statute establishes protection officers, medical facilities, and no-fee orders, among other things, to assist aggrieved women in safeguarding themselves and their families. In India, the majority of economic abuse, sexual violence, and marital rape instances go unreported. Domestic abuse victims’ agony is exacerbated by a lack of professional counselors who can assist them, as well as limited access to legal aid. Issues like this must be resolved for women to receive the justice they deserve. Abuse thrives only in silence. By merely casting a light on the economic abuse, we can put an end to it. Sharing your experience with your loved ones can help you get out of the dark hole. Replace them as the heroes of the drama and give them the courage and plot to make a climax twist, portraying them as phoenix birds who rise from the ashes and have a bright future ahead. Understand the symptoms of economic abuse and act cautiously and quickly to deescalate the abuse. We can all work together to make our beds, dinner tables, and families the secure and pleasant havens they should be!

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By Shubh Jain

“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” – Martin Luther King

Domestic violence in India is an entrenched problem, and it has only been exacerbated in recent years. According to the National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB) ‘Crime in India’ 2019 report, about 70% of women in India are victims of domestic violence. One such manifestation of this domestic violence is Marital rape. Marital rape, forcing your spouse into having sex without proper consent, is an unjust yet not uncommon way to degrade and disempower women. Today, Marital rape has been impeached in more than 100 countries, but, unfortunately, India is one of the only 36 countries where marital rape is still not criminalized1. Even though many legal amendments have been done in criminal law for the protection of women, the non-criminalization of marital rape in India undermines the dignity and human rights of women, and it is also a big question mark on the legislature in respect to what the legislature is doing for saving right in of woman in marriage. 

Marital rape is a sensitive topic, challenging to measure anywhere, but even more so in India – where most sexual violence is believed to occur within families and goes unreported. According to the Indian government’s latest National Family Health Survey, about 30% of Indian women aged 18-49 reported having experienced spousal violence. In terms of sexual violence, the average Indian woman is 17 times more likely to face sexual violence from her husband than from anyone else, according to the survey of 724,115 women.

Status of Marital Rape in India

The definition of rape codified in Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) includes all forms of sexual assault involving non-consensual intercourse with a woman. Non-Criminalization of marital rape in India emanates from Exception 2 to Section 375. However, Exception 2 to Section 375 exempts unwilling sexual intercourse between a husband and a wife over fifteen years of age from Section 375’s definition of “rape” and thus immunizes such acts from prosecution. As per current law, a wife is presumed to deliver perpetual consent to have sex with her husband after entering into marital relations, which is the absolute crush of the problem concerning marital rape in India. In India, the concept of marital rape is the epitome of “implied consent.” Marriage between a man and a woman implies that both have consented to sexual intercourse, and it cannot be otherwise. 

Marital Rape: Against Legal & Constitutional Rights

  • The doctrine of Coverture: The non-Criminalised nature of Marital rape emanates from the British era. Marital rape is primarily influenced by and derived from this doctrine of merging the woman’s identity with her husband’s. When the IPC was drafted in the 1860s, a married woman was not considered an independent legal entity. The marital Exception to the IPC’s definition of rape was drafted based on Victorian patriarchal norms that did not recognize men and women as equals, did not allow married women to own property, and merged the identities of husband and wife under the “Doctrine of Coverture.”
  • Violative of Article 14: Marital rape violates the right to equality enshrined in Article 14 of the Indian constitution. The Exception creates two classes of women based on their marital status and immunizes actions perpetrated by men against their wives. Exception 2 violates the right to equality enshrined in Article 14 insofar as it discriminates against married women by denying them equal protection from rape and sexual harassment. Exception 2’s distinction between married and unmarried women also violates Article 14 insofar as the classification created has no rational relation to the statute’s underlying purpose. In Budhan Choudhary v. State of Bihar2 and State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar3, the Supreme Court held that any classification under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution is subject to a reasonableness test that can be passed only if the classification has some rational nexus to the objective that the Act seeks to achieve. However, Exception 2 frustrates the purpose of Section 375: to protect women and punish those who engage in the inhumane activity of rape. Exempting husbands from punishment is entirely contradictory to that objective. The consequences of rape are the same whether a woman is married or unmarried.

Moreover, married women may find it more challenging to escape abusive conditions at home because they are legally and financially tied to their husbands. In reality, Exception 2 encourages husbands to forcefully enter sexual intercourse with their wives, as they know their acts are not discouraged or penalized by law. Because no rational nexus can be deciphered between the classification created by the Exception and the underlying objective of the Act, it does not satisfy the test of reasonableness and thus violates Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.

  • Violative of Article 21: According to creative interpretation by the Supreme Court, rights enshrined in Article 21 include the rights to health, privacy, dignity, safe living conditions, and safe environment, among others In the State of Karnataka v. Krishnappa,4 the Supreme Court held that sexual violence apart from being a dehumanizing act is an unlawful intrusion of the right to privacy and sanctity of a female. The same judgment held that non-consensual sexual intercourse amounts to physical and sexual violence. In the Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration5, the Supreme Court equated the right to make choices related to sexual activity with rights to personal liberty, privacy, dignity, and bodily integrity under Article 21 of the Constitution. 

In Justice K.S. Puttuswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, the Supreme Court6 recognized the right to privacy as a fundamental right of all citizens. The right to privacy includes “decisional privacy reflected by an ability to make personal decisions primarily consisting of one’s sexual or procreative nature and decisions regarding intimate relations. In all these judgments, the Supreme Court has recognized the right to abstain from sexual activity for all women, irrespective of their marital status, as a fundamental right conferred by Article 21 of the Constitution.

Therefore, forced sexual cohabitation violates the fundamental right under article 21. The above conclusions reflect that Exception 2 to Section 375 of the IPC infringes Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution. It is time that Indian jurisprudence understands the brutal nature of this provision of law and strikes it down.

Marital Rape: Against Indian Penal Code (IPC) 

 Marital Rape defect the Spirit of Section 375 of IPC, the purpose of Section 375 of IPC is to protect women and punish those who engage in the inhumane activity of rape. However, exempting husbands from punishment is entirely contradictory to that objective, as the consequences of rape are the same whether a woman is married or unmarried.

Moreover, married women may find it more challenging to escape abusive conditions at home because they are legally and financially tied to their husbands.

Recommendation by the organization and committee 

The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” In 2013, the UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) recommended that the Indian government should criminalize marital rape.

The JS Verma committee was set up in the aftermath of nationwide protests over December 16, 2012. A gang rape case had also recommended the same. By removing this law, women will be safer from abusive spouses, can receive the help needed to recover from marital rape, and can save themselves from domestic violence and sexual abuse.

Recent Karnataka Judgement 

The Karnataka High Court, in significant Judgement, did not accept the husband’s argument that the charge cannot be framed against him due to the Exception to marital rape from the offense of rape as per Exception 2 to Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code. The Court observed that the “exception” can not be “absolute.” 

From this Judgement, it is essential to look at the power of the world “ABSOLUTE” holds as per Exception 2 of section 375 of the Indian Penal Code.

Marital Rape Illegal in other countries:

Over 104 countries across the world have criminalized marital rape. In the United Kingdom, which the present Code primarily draws from, has also removed the Exception pursuant to a judgment rendered by the House of Lords in R v. R in 1991. India is one of the only 36 countries where marital rape is still not criminalized. Therefore, the Code made by the rulers then has itself abolished the Exception given to husbands. 

More than two-thirds of married women in India, aged 15 to 49, have been beaten or forced to provide sex, regardless of their social-economic positions (UN Population Fund).  

1 in 5 men has forced his wife or partner to have sex (As per the International Men and Gender Equality Survey 2011).  

Conclusion

Indian law now affords husbands and wives separate and independent legal identities, and much jurisprudence in the modern era is explicitly concerned with the protection of women. Therefore, it is high time that the legislature should take cognizance of this legal infirmity and bring marital rape within the purview of rape laws by eliminating Section 375 (Exception 2) of IPC.

1 Marital Rape in India: 36 countries where marital rape is not a crime, India Today, March 12, 2016.

2 Budhan v. the State of Bihar, AIR (1955) SC 191 (India)

3 State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar, AIR (1952) SC 75 (India).

4 The State of Karnataka v. Krishnappa, (2000) 4 SCC 75 (India).

5 Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration, (2008) 14 SCR 989 (India)

6 Justice K.S. Puttuswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, (2017) AIR 2017 SC 4161 (India)

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मनीषा अग्रवाल

जब -जब तुम कहते हो,
तुम कर ही क्या सकती हो
औरत हो बस
घर में ही रह सकती हो।

तब- तब ही मुझे,
और संबल मिलता है,
कुछ कर जाने के लिए
और आगे बढ़ जाने के लिए।

धन्यवाद है तुम्हें
जो तुम ने मुझे रोका टोका
और मुझ में गलती ढूंढी हजार
तभी तो मेरे मन का यह
गुबार फूटा
और चल पड़ी करने
अपने सपने साकार।

अब चाहे मिले तुम्हारा
साथ चाहे ना मिले,
कुछ कर जाना है
दुनिया में आए हैं तो
इससे भी तो वफा निभाना है।

मेरे नाम के पीछे
तुम्हारा नाम जरूर लगता है,
पर मेरे नाम का भी है
अपना कोई वजूद
ये अब सब को दिख लाना है

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राजेश ओ.पी.सिंह

प्रत्येक देश में किसी भी मौजूदा नीति में सुधार या उसके स्थान पर नई नीति तभी लाई जाती है जब संभवतः मौजूदा नीति समकालीन समय में अपने लक्ष्यों को प्राप्त करती प्रतीत नहीं होती। इसी सिलसिले में भारत की केंद्र सरकार ने 34 वर्षों बाद 2020 में नई शिक्षा नीति को लागू किया है। 

ये माना जा रहा है कि 1986 की शिक्षा नीति से आज के समय में उत्पादकता और शिक्षा के स्तर में निरन्तर गिरावट देखने को मिल रही है, इसलिए केंद्र सरकार द्वारा शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में क्रांतिकारी सुधार करने के लिए  टी.एस.आर. सुब्रमण्यम की अध्यक्षता में बनी विद्वानों की समिति की कड़ी मेहनत और लबी जदोजहद के बाद नई शिक्षा नीति 2020 का प्रारूप तैयार किया गया और इसे अथक प्रयासों से अमली जामा पहनाया गया है ।

जब भी कोई नई नीति लागू होती है तो सरकार व सरकार के अधिकारी और समर्थक उसके पक्ष में बोलते हैं और ऐसे दर्शाते है जैसे कि नई नीति से सब कुछ बदल जाएगा और सारी कमियां दूर हो जाएंगी, ऐसा ही नई शिक्षा नीति 2020 को लेकर देखने को मिल रहा है। सरकार इसके अनगिनत फायदे गिनवा रही है जैसे की प्रत्येक विद्यार्थी को अपनी मातृ भाषा में पढ़ने का अधिकार इस शिक्षा नीति में है, आप अपनी मनपसंद के विषय पढ़ सकते हैं। 

इसके साथ साथ सरकार ने सबसे महत्वपूर्ण बदलाव ये किया है कि कक्षा 12 के बाद यदि कोई बच्चा किसी कारण से अपनी पढ़ाई पूरी नहीं कर पाता है तो उसे डिग्री से हाथ नहीं धोना पड़ेगा, जैसे यदि एक वर्ष बाद कोई पढ़ाई छोड़ दे तो उसे सर्टिफिकेट कोर्स माना जाएगा, दो वर्षो के बाद छोड़ दे तो उसे डिप्लोमा कोर्स माना जाएगा और यदि तीन वर्ष पूर्ण कर लें तो उसे डिग्री कोर्स माना जाएगा। इस प्रकार अपनी मर्ज़ी या अपनी परिस्थितियों के हिसाब से विद्यार्थी शिक्षा व्यवस्था के अंदर बाहर जा सकते है। 

सरकार ऐसे अनेकों सुधार और फायदे गिनवा रही है, और हो सकता है कि आगामी समय में इससे भारतीय शिक्षा व्यवस्था में सुधार देखने को मिले परंतु इसमें सरकार ने एक बड़ा फेरबदल मास्टर डिग्री के बाद होने वाली मास्टर ऑफ फिलॉस्फी (एम.फिल.) की डिग्री को खत्म करके किया है, नई शिक्षा नीति 2020 के मुताबिक अब मास्टर डिग्री के बाद सीधा पीएच. डी. कर सकेंगे परन्तु इस परिवर्तन से सबसे ज्यादा नुकसान भारतीय विश्वविद्यालयों या महाविद्यालयों में पढ़ने वाली छात्राओं को हुआ है और इनमें भी सबसे ज्यादा ग्रामीण परिप्रेक्ष्य की छात्राओं को।

 जैसे मास्टर डिग्री के समय प्रत्येक लड़की की उम्र 22-23 वर्ष होती है और जब एम.फिल. कोर्स होता था तो अधिकतर लड़कियां जो शोध करने कि इच्छुक हुआ करती थी उनका दाखिला इस कोर्स में हो जाता था और उन्हें शिक्षण संस्थान में 2 वर्ष और पढ़ने को मिल जाते थे , इस से होता ये था कि एक तो वो परिपक्वता की ओर अग्रसर हो जाती थी, दूसरा एम.फिल करने से उनकी शोध सम्बन्धी जानकारी और ज्ञान में वृद्धि हो जाती थी, और आगे पीएच.डी. करने कि रुचि भी बढ़ जाती थी, तीसरा सबसे बड़ा फायदा ये होता था कि इस दौरान अधिकतर छात्राएं नेट (जो कि कॉलेज में प्रोफेसर बनने के लिए आवश्यक शर्त है) की परीक्षा भी पास कर लेती थी, जिसमे जेआरएफ करने वाली छात्राओं को यूजीसी द्वारा स्कॉलरशिप भी दी जाती है जिससे उनका अपने परिवार से आर्थिक रूप से निर्भरता खत्म हो जाती है।

 एम.फिल करने से छात्राओं में आत्मविश्वास भी पैदा हो जाता था और नौकरी के लिए भी समय मिल जाता था इसके साथ साथ जब बच्ची शिक्षण संस्थान में पंजीकृत होती है तो घर वाले और रिश्तेदार शादी के लिए दबाव भी नहीं बना पाते और जब तक एम.फिल खत्म होती है तब तक लड़की की उम्र भी 25 वर्ष के आसपास हो जाती है और तब शादी के लिए नौकरी लगे हुए लड़के मिलने की सम्भावना ज्यादा हो जाती है क्योंकि लड़की के भी जल्दी ही नौकरी लगने की संभावना बन जाती है। 

परन्तु अब सरकार द्वारा इस कोर्स को खत्म कर दिया गया है और इसका सबसे बड़ा नुकसान ये हुआ है कि जो छात्राएं शोध करना चाहती थी वो शायद अब नहीं कर पाएंगी, क्यूंकि मास्टर डिग्री के तुरंत बाद पीएच.डी. करना बहुत मुश्किल काम है, सबसे पहले तो उन्हे इस बारे में कोई ज्यादा जानकारी या समझ ही नहीं है। जैसे कि पीएच.डी. में प्रवेश के लिए सबसे महत्वपूर्ण होता है शोध प्रस्ताव का निर्माण करना और मास्टर डिग्री के बाद लगभग किसी को भी इस बारे में कोई जानकारी नहीं होती कि शोध प्रस्ताव का निर्माण कैसे करना है?

इसके साथ ही पीएच.डी. में दाखिला लेने के लिए नेट की परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण करना सबसे आधारभूत शर्त माना गया है, हम देखते हैं कि नेट की परीक्षा में प्रतिवर्ष केवल 3 प्रतिशत के आसपास बच्चे ही पास हो पाते हैं और उनमें लड़कियों को संख्या बहुत कम है और मास्टर डिग्री के तुरन्त बाद नेट पास करने वालों की संख्या तो इस से भी कम है इसलिए अब ना तो लड़कियां मास्टर डिग्री के साथ साथ नेट की परीक्षा पास कर पाएंगी और ना हो वो पीएच.डी. में दाखिला ले पाएंगी।

इसका नुकसान ये होएगा कि उन्हें घर पर बैठना होगा और घर पर बैठने से घर वाले, रिश्तेदार और समाज के दबाव में शादी होने कि संभावना ज्यादा है, और शादी के लिए अच्छा लड़का मिलने की सम्भावना बहुत कम है। 

और मास्टर डिग्री खत्म करने के वक्त लड़की की उम्र महज 22-23 वर्ष ही है तो इस उम्र में शादी होने से लड़कियों को शारीरिक रूप से काफी नुकसान होते हैं जैसे भारत में औसतन शादी के एक वर्ष बाद लड़की मां बन जाती है, तो इस प्रकार 23-24 वर्ष की उम्र में जब कोई लड़की मां बनेगी तो उसपर अनेकों जिम्मेवारियां आ जाएंगी और उसकी पढ़ाई लगभग छूट ही जाएगी । 

इससे लड़कियों और विशेषकर ग्रामीण परिप्रेक्ष्य वाली लड़कियों को सबसे ज्यादा नुकसान होएगा।

लड़कियों का शोध करने का, पढ़ लिख कर नौकरी करने का, प्रोफेसर बनने का सपना लगभग टूट ही गया है।

इसलिए सरकार को एक बार फिर से इस परिप्रेक्ष्य में देखना और सोच विचार करना चाहिए ताकि छात्राओं को शोध के क्षेत्र से बाहर ना जाना पड़े और इस क्षेत्र में लैंगिक विभेद ना पैदा हो सके। 

 और यदि इस गंभीर समस्या पर पुनर्विचार नहीं किया जाता है तो लड़कियों को निश्चित रूप से एक बार फिर रसोई की ओर धकेले जाने और घर की चार दिवारी में कैद करने की पूरी पूरी कोशिश और सम्भावना है।

मुख्य शब्द : नई शिक्षा नीति  छात्राएं  शोध  नेट  जेआरएफ  एम.फिल पीएच.डी.  उम्र  शादी बच्चे 

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Mahak Shinghal

The seventh edition of the Digital Women Awards and Summit [hereinafter, “digital women awards”] took place from November 21st – 23rd 2021. 

The digital women awards were established in 2015 with a goal of celebrating and recognizing entrepreneurs or digital women. The focus of the awards is on the growth and success of women using the internet and impacting their own lives so that they become financially independent and self-reliant in more ways. The awards are open to any woman who is working in the digital space as an entrepreneur and who has achieved excellence in their field. 

The awards bring together all those women who are united by their success and have a passion for digital. For Indian women entrepreneurs, no dream is too small or big, no number is too big to achieve. 

For the past seven years, SheThePeople’s Digital Women Awards has done just that – celebrating the spirit of entrepreneurship among Indian women and how they have managed to overcome barriers of economy, region, language, and access to write a success story that will be cherished for decades to come. 

“Women are climbing the corporate ladder and a large number turning entrepreneurs. They will be the key driving force of our economy in the decades ahead. I believe the work SheThePeople is doing with Digital Women Awards especially recognition is a meaningful step towards encouraging women, making them independent and turning contributors to the economy,” said Akila Urankar, Director at Business Standard Private Limited and jury member for the awards. 

This year’s edition celebrated and recognized talent under eight categories – Leadership, Disruption, Digital Marketing, Impact, E-commerce, Content, COVID Pivot, and Solopreneurs.

The jury applicants in each of these categories include – Rajiv Anand, who is the Executive Director (wholesale banking) Axis Bank; Akila Urankar, who is Director at Business Standard Private Limited; Rashi Narang, who is Founder at Heads Up For Tails; Shaili Chopra, who is founder of SheThePeople, Sapangeet Rajwant, who is senior Vice-President of Viacom18; and Aparna Hegde, who is Founder and manager trustee of ARMMAN.  

“Women are great examples of leadership, excellence and entrepreneurship, all of which SheThePeople.TV stands for.” expresses SheThePeople’s Founder, Shaili Chopra. She continues, “our mission is to continue to build this platform for future leaders who will shape the Indian digital eco-system and the Digital Women Awards is one of the key steps in achieving that goal.”

India has one of the biggest gender gaps on the internet. Through the awards and putting women’s stories on the map, the previous edition and this edition inspires many women to think out of the box and do something of their own. In the post-pandemic era, almost everything has gone digital which has increased the ease of doing business for women to a great extent. It has also enabled women to come up with more innovative ideas and approaches which has changed the entrepreneurial perspective in India.

Winners of the Digital Women Awards 2021 – 

NAMECOMPANY
Kunika RathoreThe Unknown Agency
Lubna NaseemDezignApe
Sapna ShahaniBlurb Goa
Mrinalini ShastrySix Yards Plus
Sinal ShahPetsy Online
Akanksha SavanalA Curve Story
Dolly SinghContent Creator
Saumya Pankaj   The India Craft Project
Anjalee DasCookiee and Craft
Shweta DalmiaClimapreneur
DVL Padma PriyaSuno India
Monika ShergillNetflix
Babita GuptaHouse of Neeba
Raina Shariff, Viinii Doshi, Poonam SanghviOui Oui
Hansika JethnaniFunky Maharani
Gayatri GandhiJoy Factory
Sneha BagrechaIndieGood
Shivi KapilEmpathy Design Labs
Daisy TanwaniPinklay
Chaitsi AhujaBrown Living
Madhavi AdaljaResin Creator
Avni AggarwalSundari Handmade
Chandni AgarwalThe Little Tags
Kamiya JaniThe Curly Tales
Anjali BawaVoila Expert
Ruchi GargVenue Look
Agrima Wadhwa   The Square Knot
Nisha MehtaLittle Birdie
Namrata SharmaThe Sandook
Sandhya Sravya MallaLittle Souls Wardrobe
Gaargi PreharPuplords Barkery
Chindu   Kalavai
Priyanka YadavKhwabeeda
BhargaviVeebhaboutique
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The Womb - Encouraging, Empowering and Celebrating Women.

The Womb is an e-platform to bring together a community of people who are passionate about women rights and gender justice. It hopes to create space for women issues in the media which are oft neglected and mostly negative. For our boys and girls to grow up in a world where everyone has equal opportunity irrespective of gender, it is important to create this space for women issues and women stories, to offset the patriarchal tilt in our mainstream media and society.

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